Elijah’s Cave on Mount Carmel and its Inscriptions - דעת

Elijah’s Cave on Mount Carmel and its Inscriptions
Asher Ovadiah and Rosario Pierri

Part I
Introduction1
The north-west ridge of Mount Carmel consists
for the most part of exposed rock, dropping precipitously down to the sea. Elijah’s Cave is located
on the slope of the cliff, at the foot of the promontory of Mount Carmel, at a height of approx.
40 m above sea level on the western outskirts of
Haifa (map ref. NIG 1974/7483; OIG 1474/2483)
(Figs. 1-2). According to tradition, this is the Cave
where the Prophet Elijah stayed as he was preparing
to battle the prophets of Ba‘al during the reign of
Ahab, King of Israel, in the 9th century BCE. The
Cave is also known by its Arabic name, el-Khatser
or el-Khader (the Green One),2 or the “School of
the Prophets.”
In 1949, the staff of the Israel Department of
Antiquities and Museums3 and a number of local
Haifa residents noticed inscriptions engraved on
the walls of Elijah’s Cave, covered with a thick
layer of lime and soot. The team of The Archaeological Survey of Israel, northern region, surveyed
the Cave and confirmed the importance of the
inscriptions.4 The Israel Department of Antiquities and Museums launched a project to clean the
inscriptions, funded with the assistance of the
Ministry of Religious Affairs. The investigation
of Elijah’s Cave with the intention of uncovering,
deciphering and studying the inscriptions was
carried out by the author in June-October 1966.5
An attempt was made at the time to elucidate the
purpose of the Cave in the Hellenistic, Roman and
early Byzantine periods.
The Cave and the engraved inscriptions had
not been previously researched in a systematic
and thorough manner. It had, however, aroused
the attention of pilgrims, travellers, visitors and
scholars, who had visited the site for generations,

at least from the Hellenistic period and onwards.
In later generations, from the beginning of the
12th century and onwards (according to extant
historical and literary sources), visitors/pilgrims
described Elijah’s Cave briefly and concisely and,
if the inscriptions caught their eye, they copied
some of them.

A. Plan, Ornamentation and Surroundings
Elijah’s Cave, having the shape of a parallelogram with no right-angled corners, is oriented
south-southwest to north-northeast and facing the
sea. Its dimensions are: 14.50 m long, 8.70 m wide
and 4.50-5 m high (Figs. 6-7). The ceiling of the
Cave is rough, with pieces of the soft limestone
rock having crumbled over the years. It appears
primarily to have been a natural cave, and over the
course of time to have been elaborated, enlarged
and adapted for religious purposes. Its walls had
been smoothly finished, rendering the Cave suitable for use. These alterations were carried out in
ancient times, as evidenced by the inscriptions
engraved on the walls.6
A detailed inspection revealed that the natural
cave floor sloped down from the opening in the
north towards the south, according to the rock
stratification. This is indicated by: (a) the fracture
existing in its west wall that slopes southwards
from the Cave opening; and (b) the rough and
irregular cuts on the sides of the wall below the
fracture. It can therefore be assumed that, as the
Cave was enlarged and improved, the level of the
natural cave floor was lowered by approx. 50 cm.7
The natural entrance to the Cave is on its north
side; the opening is large and irregular, 3.50 m
high and approx. 4 m wide. Over time, the eastern
half of this entrance became blocked, as a result
of buildings being placed alongside it or abutting
onto it. Thus, the width of the Cave’s entrance was

Elijah’s Cave on Mount Carmel and its Inscriptions

Fig. 1. The north-west ridge of Mt. Carmel with Elijah’s Cave and Stella Maris monastery on the top, facing south-east.
Fig. 2. The buildings in front of Elijah’s Cave, facing south-east.

halved (to approx. 2 m wide) and it has remained
like this to the present day. This change to the
original entrance has led the present opening to
be located on the western half of the north wall
of the Cave (Figs. 4-6). The inner northern side of
the opening has a wall 2 m long to the west and
4.20 m to the east.8
A rock-hewn bench extends along the base of
almost the entire length of the eastern section of
the north wall (4 m). The bench is 50 cm high and
70 cm deep. Its eastern half is divided into two
steps, the lower one 30 cm deep and the upper
one 40 cm deep (Fig. 6).
Along the base of almost the entire length of
the west wall of the Cave was another rock-hewn
bench, starting 1.50 m from its north-west corner; it extended 12 m and ended approx. 60 cm
before the south-western corner, where it joined
the western “table,” also hewn out of the rock
(both no longer extant).9 The “table” was rectangular and measured 0.60 × 2.20 m, with a height
of approx. 1 m (it had a stone facing, hindering
estimation of height) (Fig. 6). The eastern “table”
(also no longer extant) was almost rectangular,
measuring 0.70-1 × 2 m, with a height of approx.
1 m (it also had a stone facing). The two “tables”10
were purposely left by the craftsmen for offerings to be placed on them (later, lit candles were
placed on them in honour of the prophet Elijah).
The inscriptions carved on the west wall reach
the height of a raised arm, or at the most a height
accessible when standing on a stool. The highest

inscription on this wall is 2.75 m above floor level.
The accessibility of the inscriptions inscribed on
the wall means that they can easily be engraved and
read by visitors/pilgrims to the Cave. The marked
density of the inscriptions at a uniform height is
due to the ease with which this height could be
reached by the engravers, which has resulted in
inscriptions often being superimposed on earlier
ones. The inscriptions on the east wall of the Cave
are engraved in a similar manner.
The surface of the south wall does not have a
smooth finish, and there is evidence that the soft
rock has crumbled away. In this wall is an apsidal
niche, hewn in the rock, measuring 1.18 m wide,
2.40 m high and 1.05 m deep. Its top is carved
with a conch, not well preserved, with a radius of
50 cm. Above the conch there is a plastered rectangular recess (ca. 70 cm high and ca. 50 cm deep),
which is an integral part of the apsidal niche.11
The rectangular recess and the apsidal niche have
a double rectangular frame on their three sides
(the inner frame is 9 cm wide and the outer one
8 cm wide). The outer frame juts out a few more
centimetres than the inner one, forming a double
stepped frame. On both sides of the frame are the
remains of carved motifs within vertical, flat panels
(31 cm wide), forming another decorative frame.
The eastern panels are better preserved than the
western ones, but there is every indication that
the decoration would have been the same on both
sides (Figs. 6, 10-13). The decorative motifs are
only preserved on the upper panels. The panels

Asher Ovadiah and Rosario Pierri

are separated by carved horizontal bands (2-3 cm
wide).The upper panel depicts a scale motif, forming a continuous geometric pattern. The second
panel depicts a vessel (perhaps a kylix) (31 cm
high) rendered two-dimensionally (Figs. 12-13).
The vessel has three tall feet bound together in
the middle by a ring or ribbon. Two of the feet are
shown in side view, in an inward-leaning spiral,
and the third foot, which can be seen between
them, is shown frontally, in an unsuccessful attempt to render perspective. Towards the top of
the feet, beneath the body of the amphora, two
round stylized “buttons” are depicted. The deep,
concave outline of the amphora has spiral-shaped
forms on the two upper sides (possibly spiralshaped handles). The body of the vessel is depicted
in a flat, stylized manner and has ten vertical ribs
represented by bold incisions. In the third panel,
the scale motif is repeated, but the design has not
survived here in its entirety. We may assume that
below this last panel were additional ones, probably
further carved and with decorative motifs similar
to those described above, but they have now been
completely destroyed. Of the western panels, only
the top and second one are preserved, depicting
the scale motif and the ribs of the body of another
similar vessel. Some features, like the spirallycurved feet, the round “buttons,”12 the ribbing on
the body, the rim and the spiral handles shown on
the eastern vessel, suggest that it depicts a metal
vessel. In other words, the craftsman envisaged a
metal vessel when copying it onto the Cave wall.
The vessel (or perhaps the kylix) is remarkable
for its shape and particularly because of the three
legs bound together, the round “buttons” and the
form of the body. To date, we have no comparative
examples with which to compare and/or date it.
The scale motif is used very commonly in different artistic media13 as well as in mosaic floors
from the Hellenistic,14 Roman15 and early Byzantine periods (including early Byzantine-period
mosaics in Israel).16 This motif in Elijah’s Cave can
be attributed to the 1st-3rd centuries CE, based
on circumstantial and epigraphic evidence, and
its dissemination.
Approximately 65 cm above the double frame
of the niche an architectural motif of dentils, very
common in Greek and Roman architecture,17 is

carved. The motif is divided into two groups of
four dentils each, with an interval of 30 cm between the groups. In the interval, and in the area
between the dentils and the double frame, the
rock is rough and shows signs of wear, suggesting that there may once have been some kind of
relief decoration here. To the side of the dentils
two rectangular depressions hewn in the rock have
survived (approx. 15 × 10 × 15 cm), but they
do not symmetrically match the niche. They may
be later additions used to hold a beam to hang a
curtain above the niche.
In addition to the decorative frames, there are
two concave depressions, one on each side, hewn
vertically in the rock (today partially covered with
plaster) measuring 0.44 × 3 m (Fig. 14).They may
both have been intended to hold a decorative pillar
of stucco, wood or stone.18
There is no doubt that the apsidal niche with the
decorative frames around it fulfilled some purpose
in the Cave, most probably the placement of the
cult statue (idol) of the god Ba‘al Carmel, identified with Zeus/Jupiter, in the Roman period.19
The general impression, however, based mainly
on archaeological considerations, and historical
and epigraphic evidence (see below), is that the
decorative motifs are consistent with the Roman
Imperial period.
Above each of the “tables” mentioned above,
a square depressed area can be identified hewn in
the rock. These depressions probably contained
various decorations that have not survived. Today,
the two depressions are for the most part eroded
and covered with plaster and soot.
A worked-relief band, with a central groove
running its entire length, forms a decorative border
around the top of the south, east and west walls,
reaching almost their entire length. The band is
covered with soot and is virtually indistinguishable.
The decorative elements inside the Cave
suggest a willingness and desire to beautify its
interior and to emphasize artistic and aesthetic
aspects. The main focus of decoration is on its
south wall.
At a distance of 4.30 m from the north-east end
of the east wall lies an opening leading to a small
rectangular room, so-called the smaller or secondary grotto, attributed to the cell and oratory of the

Elijah’s Cave on Mount Carmel and its Inscriptions

Prophet Elijah (Figs. 6, 8). It is hewn into the rock
and its floor is ca. 40 cm higher than the main floor
of the Cave. It measures 3.40 m long, 3 m wide
and 2.50 m high. The opening, which is 3.50 m
wide and 2.70 m high, has three steps hewn in
the rock, 90 cm wide; the steps are approx. 6 m
from the north-eastern corner of the east wall of
the Cave. The north and east walls of this room are
fitted with rock-hewn benches. The dimensions of
the northern bench are: 2.30 m long, 85 cm deep
and ca. 90 cm high. The dimensions of the eastern
bench are: 2.20 m long, 80 cm deep and ca. 50
cm high. The two benches form an L-shape. The
south wall features a rectangular niche, hewn in
the rock, lined with building stones and currently
used to house Torah scrolls.20 Many legends and
stories are connected with this secondary grotto,
though attested to only from the time of the return of the Carmelites to Mount Carmel in 1631.
According to the belief of modern-day pilgrims,
and probably also in the past it has the power to
heal and save those who sleep in it for at least one
night, especially the mentally ill or barren women
(Fig. 9). It is not inconceivable that this reflects an
ancient tradition.
In front of the Cave is a rectangular paved
courtyard, which visitors use on weekdays and
at festivals (Fig. 3). At a distance of 2.50 m from
the north-west corner of the Cave is a rock-hewn
cistern. The opening is square (1 × 1 m) and 6 m
deep. The cistern was designed to store rainwater,
which flowed into it from the mountain slope via
a hewn channel, whose remains have been revealed
close by. Elijah’s Cave is today surrounded by buildings that have adjoined it at different periods and
there is no trace of the complexes mentioned in
various historical sources (see below).

B. Mount Carmel and Elijah’s Cave: Context,
Meaning and Function
In the Bible Mount Carmel is on one occasion
referred to as Carmelus Maris (hD;mÎ¥yAh lRm√rAkV;b),21 in
order to distinguish it from another mountain of
the same name situated in the south of the Land
of Israel. What has given this particular mountain
everlasting renown is the sojourn there by the
Prophet Elijah and the wonders that he wrought.

Fig. 3. The rectangular paved courtyard in front
of the Cave, facing east.

Mount Carmel even received, in the local Arabic
vernacular, the name of Jebel Mar Elias, namely the
Mountain of St. Elijah. By the side of the altar to the
true God built upon the top of Mount Carmel, during the reign of King Ahab in the 9th century BCE,
there also stood an altar to Ba‘al, whose prophets
practiced his rites and who was venerated by the
pagan population. Jezebel, daughter of the King
of Sidon and wife of Ahab, had led the populace
astray to idolatry. Consequently, the Prophet Elijah
gathered on Mount Carmel “all Israel, the four
hundred and fifty prophets of Ba‘al, and the four
hundred prophets of Asherah, who eat at Jezebel’s
table.” After demonstrating the powerlessness of the
false god, Elijah placed the sacrifice (a bull) upon
the altar and called upon the Lord. Immediately
fire rained down from the heavens and consumed
the bull. At the site of this miracle the people again
proclaimed Jehovah as their God, and, at the order
of Elijah, the prophets of Ba‘al were brought down
to the Kishon river and were executed there.22
The confrontation of the Prophet Elijah on
Mount Carmel, in the 9th century BCE, with the
prophets of Ba‘al, is additional evidence for the
sanctity and religious importance of the mountain
and the existence of pagan cultic places, whether
as altars or temples/shrines, in Antiquity. The execution of the prophets of Ba‘al also presents the
confrontation of monotheism with paganism in
the Land of Israel, and especially on Mount Carmel.
Despite these events, the pagans continued to
practice their rites on Mount Carmel, by erecting
altars and temples/shrines dedicated to Ba‘al in

Asher Ovadiah and Rosario Pierri

spent some time there. As we are told by Iamblichus (ca. 250-ca. 330 CE), the philosopher’s
biographer, “…, he crossed without delay to
Egypt, conveyed by Egyptian seamen who had
made a timely landing on the shore below Mount
Carmel in Phoenicia, where Pythagoras often went
to seek solitude in the temple” (… διεπορθμεύθη

ἀμελλητὶ ὑπό τινων Αἰγυπτίων πορθμέων καιριώτατα
προσορμισάντων τοῖς ὑπὸ Κάρμηλον τὸ Φοινικικὸν
ὄρος αἰγιαλοῖς, ἔνθα ἐμόναζε τὰ πολλὰ ὁ Πυθαγόρας
κατὰ τὸ ἱερόν).23 If this story, attributed to the 6th

Fig. 4. The old double entrance to the Cave, facing
south-east.

century BCE, is reliable it indicates the existence
of a temple or perhaps a temenos on Mount Carmel. This suggests not only a tradition regarding
the sanctity of Mount Carmel, but also echoes
the existence of such a temple or temenos on this
sacred mountain till the Roman period. Moreover,
based on the description of Scylax of Caryanda’s
voyage, in the book Periplus attributed to him,24
in the days of the Achaemenid king of Persia,
Darius I (521-486 BCE), the mountain seems to
have been sacred to Zeus (… καὶ Κάρμηλος ὄρος,
ἱερὸν Διός).25
Mount Carmel, including Elijah’s Cave, belonged from the geopolitical point of view to
Phoenicia from the Hellenistic period onwards,
as mentioned by Josephus:
Δύο δ’ οὔσας τὰς Γαλιλαίας, τήν τε ἄνω καὶ τὴν κάτω
προσαγορευομένην, περιίσχει μὲν ἡ Φοινίκη τε καὶ
Συρία, διορίζει δὲ ἀπὸ μὲν δύσεως ἡλίου Πτολεμαῒς
τοῖς τῆς χώρας τέρμασι καὶ Κάρμηλος, τὸ πάλαι μὲν
Γαλιλαίων, νῦν δὲ Τυρίων ὄρος.

Galilee, with its two divisions known as Upper
and Lower Galilee, is enveloped by Phoenicia
and Syria. Its western frontiers are the outlying
territory of Ptolemais [Acre/Acco. – A.O.] and
Carmel, a mountain once belonging to Galilee,
and now to Tyre.26
Fig. 5. The new single entrance to the Cave,
facing south-east.

various places on the mountain until the Roman
period.
In the second half of the 6th century BCE the
Greek philosopher Pythagoras (ca. 570-490 BCE),
on his way to Egypt, visited the mountain and

According to Eusebius, Mount Carmel was in
his time a border between two geopolitical regions
– Eretz Israel and Phoenicia:
<Κάρμηλος. ὄρος> ἐπὶ τὸ Φοινίκιον πέλαγος καὶ
διαιροῦν Παλαιστίνην Φοινίκης. ἔνθα ἐκαθέζετο
Ἡλίας.

Elijah’s Cave on Mount Carmel and its Inscriptions

Fig. 6. Plan and sections of the Cave.
Karmelos. A mountain on the Phoenician Sea
and which divides Eretz Israel from Phoenicia.
Here Elijah dwelt.27

However, Eusebius does not indicate to which
region the mountain belonged, while Iamblichus
claims unequivocally that Mount Carmel belongs
to Phoenicia.28 This geopolitical connection with
Phoenicia and its main cities (Gebal/Byblos, Tyre,
Sidon and Beiruth) also indicates religious links,
namely with the cults that prevailed there. These
cults probably served as a source of inspiration
for those practiced on Mount Carmel and in
Elijah’s Cave.29
Similar caves of pagan character are to be
found from the Hellenistic period on along the
Phoenician coast, such as in Gebal/Byblos30 and
in the surroundings of Sidon31 and Tyre.32 Renan
mentions the Cave of Elijah on Mount Carmel
as the cultic centre of the god Ba‘al Carmel: “La
prétendue grotte d’Élie sur le Carmel marque
peut-être le centre du vieux culte du dieu Carmel.

Les pèlerins juifs du Moyen Âge vénéraient à cet
endroit l’autel d’Élie.”33 Kopp34 and Augustinović35
had already surmised that Elijah’s Cave had been
originally a centre of pagan worship. Nowadays it
is an attractive pilgrimage site for Jews, Christians,
Muslims and Druze, as a sacred place dedicated to
the Prophet Elijah.
Tacitus mentions that in an open space on
Mount Carmel stood an altar for the cult of Ba‘al
Carmel, who was identified with Zeus/Jupiter.
However, he does not mention any cult statue
(idol) of Ba‘al, claiming that the god had no image
or temple, but only an altar:
Est Iudaeam inter Syriamque Carmelus: ita vocant montemdeumque. Nec simulacrum deo aut templum – sic
tradidere maiores –: ara tantum et reverentiae.
Between Judea and Syria lies Carmel: this
is the name given to both the mountain
and the divinity. The god has no image or
temple – such is the rule handed down by

Asher Ovadiah and Rosario Pierri

the fathers; there is only an altar and the
worship of the god.36

Tacitus also mentions the local oracle in connection with the consultation of Vespasian:
Illic sacrificanti Vespasiano, cum spes occultas versaret animo
Basilides sacerdos inspectis identidem extis “Quicquid est”
inquit, “Vespasiane, quod paras, seu domum extruere seu
prolatare agros sive ampliare servitia, datur tibi magna sedes,
ingentes termini, multum hominum.”
WhenVespasian was sacrificing there and thinking
over his secret hopes in his heart, the priest
Basilides, after repeated inspection of the victim’s
vitals, said to him, “Whatever you are planning,
Vespasian, whether to build a house, or to enlarge
your holdings, or to increase the number of
your slaves, the god grants you a mighty home,
limitless bounds, and a multitude of men.”37

Tacitus especially stresses the non-figural (aniconic) character of the god Ba‘al/Zeus/Jupiter of
the Carmel in his time.38 His testimony is confirmed by Suetonius, who also states that Vespasian
consulted the oracle of the god of Carmel in Judaea:
Apud Iudaeam Carmeli dei oraculum consulentem ita
confirmavere sortes, ut quidquid cogitaret volveretque animo
quamlibet magnum, id esse proventurum pollicerentur.
When he consulted the oracle of the god
of Carmel in Judaea, the lots were highly
encouraging, promising that whatever he
planned or wished, however great it might be,
would come to pass.39

This is also confirmed by Iamblichus, who calls
Mount Carmel “a mountain most holy among
the others” and “inaccessible to many” (… τοῦ

Καρμήλου λόφου ἱερώτατον δὲ τῶν ἄλλων ὀρῶν
ἠπίσταντο αὐτὸ καὶ πολλοῖς ἄβατον, …]).40 The 5th-

century Christian historian Orosius is the last of
the ancient writers to mention the oracle:
…, Iudaei post passionem Christi destituti in totum gratia
Dei… quibusdam in Carmelo Monte seducti sortibus… in
rebellionem exarserunt.

…, the Jews, after the Passion of Christ, being
completely destitute of the grace of God and,
when they were beset by all evils on all sides,
being led astray by certain oracular responses
on Mount Carmel which predicted that leaders
coming out of Judea would take possession
of things, and applying the prediction to
themselves, broke out in rebellion…41

The fact that Orosius mentions this oracle indicates that the Cave was still being used for pagan
worship at that time.
Tacitus, who mentions only the altar in an open
space, does not appear to have been acquainted with
the Cave and the cult statue of Ba‘al Carmel, possibly
placed within it, or with the cult and rites practiced
there. Presumably, Tacitus received his information
on the cult of Ba‘al Carmel and his altar on Mount
Carmel from secondary sources, since he himself
had never visited this part of the Roman Empire.
The existence of the altar on Mount Carmel,
without any image (idol) or temple of the god,
may also have been connected with the epithet
Ζεὺς Μάδβαχος, from Madbah, ‘altar’ (Zeus the Altar), who listened to prayers.42 This is equivalent
to βωμὸς ἐπήκοος,43 namely the altar that listens
to prayers.
One of the Greek inscriptions (No. 18), engraved in the south-west corner of the west wall of
the Cave, most probably dated to the Roman period
(1st-3rd centuries CE), indicates unequivocally the
sacred nature of the Cave (see below, D.: No. 18).
On the west wall of the Cave, in the area of
inscriptions Nos. 23A, 24 and 25, three aediculae,
topped with a pediment, are carved one above the
other. A relief of a defaced human figure (19 cm
high), wearing a toga and standing on a pedestal, is
discernible in the middle aedicula.The toga covers the
figure’s legs almost to the ankles and the feet are
clearly visible.The figure stands firmly on both legs
and is flanked by an obscure form (a priest kneeling before the cult statue of the god?) on its left
and a libation vessel with a high stem on its right
(Figs. 15-16). The representation is reminiscent
of the standing or seated deities within a temple
or in front of it, depicted on Roman coins.44 The
resemblance between the numismatic data and the
depiction in question strengthens the possibility

Elijah’s Cave on Mount Carmel and its Inscriptions

that the standing figure within the aedicula is a cult
statue of the god Ba‘al Carmel. Hence, it may be
assumed that the kneeling figure is a priest, supposedly practicing a libation rite.
The visual representation of the cult statue of
Ba‘al Carmel(?), the libation vessel and the presumed figure of the priest within the aedicula, as
well as the above-mentioned epigraphic evidence,
indicate the pagan use of the Cave in the Roman
period, and perhaps even earlier, as a cultic centre
(possibly a shrine) in honour of Ba‘al Carmel.
The marble fragment of a foot of a colossal
statue, discovered accidentally (ca. 1933) in the
garden of the Stella Maris Carmelite monastery
on Mount Carmel (currently in the collection of
the monastery),45 has been dated to the end of the
2nd century CE or perhaps the beginning of the
3rd. According to the Greek inscription, it was in
honour of the Heliopolitan Zeus of the Carmel.
The inscribed votive marble foot of the statue was
dedicated by Gaius Iulius Eutychas, a colonist of
Caesarea Maritima (Fig. 17).46 It was probably of
an extremely large size (3-3.50 m high), and may
have been placed in front of the Cave.
A.B. Cook, in enumerating the various mountain sanctuaries of Zeus (Mountainous Zeus),
distinguishes three types: (1) those marked by a
simple altar alone; (2) those marked by an altar
with a statue of the god; and (3) those marked by
an altar with a cult statue enclosed in a temple.47
Based on this typological development, M. AviYonah suggested that in the time of Tacitus the
Mount Carmel sanctuary clearly belonged to the
first type; while the Greek inscription of Gaius
Iulius Eutychas, who dedicated a statue to the
Heliopolitan Zeus of the Carmel,48 proves its later
development into the second type, i.e. an altar with
a statue of the god; and that it seems never to have
reached the third type.49 Contrary to Avi-Yonah’s
suggestions,50 it should be pointed out that, in
accordance with the literary sources, archaeological data and epigraphic evidence, Elijah’s Cave
functioned as a pagan temple/shrine in Antiquity
and Late Antiquity, and thus presents the third
type noted by Cook. In other words, the worship
and rites were practiced within the Cave up to the
early Byzantine period.51 Later on, in common with
other mountain sanctuaries of Zeus, the god Ba‘al

Fig. 7. General view of the cave, facing south-southwest.

Fig. 8. The small rectangular room, so-called
the smaller or secondary grotto, facing south-east.

Fig. 9. Sleeping people within the Cave.

Carmel was superseded by Saint Elias (Elijah),52
because of the prophet’s connection with Mount
Carmel and its traditional sacred nature.
Circumstantial evidence allows us to presume
that the Cave had been used as a pagan cultic place,

Asher Ovadiah and Rosario Pierri

possibly a shrine, to Ba‘al Carmel, with the cult
statue (the idol) of the god having been placed
within it, perhaps since the Hellenistic period. The
fact that Tacitus does not mention any cult statue
of Ba‘al, claiming that the god had no image or
temple but only an altar, indirectly strengthens the
notion that the idol was placed inside the Cave, and
thus was invisible from the outside. The niche in
the south wall of the Cave, decorated on each side
with carved motifs of scales and an amphora, most
probably dated to the Roman period, may have
housed the cult statue of the god.53 If correct, we
may then understand the correlation between the
Cave, as a shrine to Ba‘al Carmel, and the altar on
the mountain.54 Consequently, it seems that Mount
Carmel was a site for the veneration and worship of
Ba‘al Carmel and certain places on this mountain
may have been used for the delivery of his oracle.

C. Historical / Literary Sources
Elijah’s Cave is frequently mentioned in later
historical and literary sources, particularly by pilgrims – both Jewish and Christian – who visited
the Cave and the surrounding area. Most visited
the Cave to experience the site for themselves in
view of its great fame, even in Antiquity, and also
to satisfy their curiosity. A profound sense of the
Cave’s religious aura and spiritual experience must
certainly have been a motivation to visit it, to absorb its unique atmosphere, and also to seek help,
healing and salvation.55
A large number of varied sources exist, exhibiting different historical approaches: some are
reliable, accurate and unequivocal, and others are
exaggerated and unreliable. The different beliefs,
especially the popular beliefs or superstitions that
they reflect, with popular traditions and imagination woven into the different descriptions, provide
a general picture that is vivid, even romantic, but
that detracts considerably from the Cave’s objective
historical value.
Unfortunately, we have no historical or literary
sources prior to the 12th century. Earlier material
must have been lost over time, since it is unlikely
that the Cave and its surroundings were ignored
before the 12th century. All that we know about
Elijah’s Cave and its surroundings, therefore, and

about the nearby buildings such as churches and
monasteries, is from descriptions dating from the
12th century onwards. It is somewhat surprising
that no earlier historical or literary references have
survived, although the cult of Ba‘al/Zeus/Jupiter
was practiced on Mount Carmel in the 9th century
BCE, continuing up to the Roman period.
Curiously, the Pilgrim of Bordeaux (333 CE)
does not mention Elijah’s Cave, despite the fact that
he visited or passed by Mount Carmel. Perhaps,
he had insufficient information or was too distant
from the Cave itself. He writes briefly:
… ibi est mons Carmelus, ibi Helias sacrificium faciebat …
… there is Mount Carmel, there Elijah sacrificed …56

The Russian Abbot Daniel, who made a pilgrimage to the Holy Land in 1106-1107, offers one of
the earliest historical sources recording the existence of Elijah’s Cave on Mount Carmel, although he
neither goes into any detail about his impression of
it nor his personal feelings about the visit. There is
no indication, however, in his laconic description,
of any monastic presence at the site, writing only:
… μετὰ μεγάλης δὲ εὐχαριστήσεως ἐτελέσαμεν τὴν
ὁδοιπορίαν ταύτην ὁμοῦ καὶ ἤλθομεν εἰς Καίφαν,
ἐξ ἧς μετέβημεν ἐπ’ ἴσης εἰς τὸ Καρμήλιον ὄρος.
Ἐπὶ τοῦ ὄρους τούτου εὑρίσκεται τὸ σπήλαιον τοῦ
ἁγίου προφήτου Ἠλία, …

… after a great pleasure we finished this itinerary
and arrived to Haifa, from which we moved
directly to Mt. Carmel. On this mountain is the
cave of the Holy Prophet Elijah, …57

Rabbi Benjamin of Tudela arrived at Acre/Acco
from Tyre in ca. 1165. “From Acre” – he writes – “it
is three parasangs to Haifa (which is Get Hefer) along
the seashore. On one side is Mount Carmel and on
the mountain and at the foot of the mountain are numerous tombs of Israelites.”58 After visiting the Jewish
cemetery at the foot of Mount Carmel, R. Benjamin
of Tudela also relates laconically and without detail to
Elijah’s Cave, merely mentioning its location on the
mountain (it is not clear whether he visited the Cave):

Elijah’s Cave on Mount Carmel and its Inscriptions

Fig. 10. The rectangular recess and the upper
part of the apsidal niche.
On the Mountain is the cave of Elijah, where
the Christians have erected a structure called
St. Elias.59

Another pilgrim, who visited Mount Carmel
and Elijah’s Cave in 1185, was the Cretan monk
Ioannes Phokas, who briefly mentions the Cave,
again without going into any detail:
… Μετὰ ταῦτά ἐστιv τὸ Καρμήλιον ὄρος, … Περὶ
δὲ τὸ ἀκροτελεύτιον τὸ πρὸς τὴν θάλασσαν τοῦ
ζυγοῦ, ἔστιν τὸ τοῦ προφήτου Ἡλίου σπήλαιον, …

… After these (places) there is Mt. Carmel, …
At the end of the ridge of Mt. Carmel facing the
sea, there is the cave of the Prophet Elijah, …60

In addition, he contends that from ancient
times there was a large monastery at this place,61
the remains of whose buildings are still visible.
The monastic complex had been entirely ruined
by time and/or natural disasters, as well as by
repeated attacks by foreign invaders. Some years
earlier, according to his description, the place
had been inhabited by a monk from Calabria,
of the rank of priest, who had had a vision of
the Prophet. After he built a small wall in the
monastery “and erected a tower and a small
church, he assembled about ten brothers, who
nowadays inhabit the sacred place” (…, καὶ
πύργον οἰκοδομήσας, καὶ ναὸν ἀνεγείρας μικρόν,
καὶ ἀδελφοὺς ὡσεὶ δέκα συνάξας, νῦν τὸν ἅγιον
χῶρον ἐκεῖνον οἰκεῖ.)62

Fig. 11. The apsidal niche.

The German pilgrim Thietmar, who visited
the Land of Israel in 1217,63 briefly describes the
Cave of Elijah, but it is unclear whether he stayed
there. He writes:
Super hanc ciuitatem, scilicet Caypham, in procliuo montis
Carmeli est spelunca Helye et Elizei prophetarum. Ibi est
quedam capella constructa.
Above… Haifa, on the slope of Mount Carmel
is the cave of Elijah and Elisha the prophets.
There a certain chapel has been built.64

An anonymous Jewish pilgrim, a pupil of Nahmanides (R. Moshe b. Nahman of Gerona), visited
Elijah’s Cave sometime between 1270 and 1291.
He describes it briefly without any commentary,
writing:
There on the slopes of Mt. Carmel is a cave,
and there the synagogue dedicated to Elijah,
be he remembered for good. Above the cave,
on the top of the mountain there is Elisha’s
Cave.65

Asher Ovadiah and Rosario Pierri

Fig. 12. Drawing of the apsidal niche and its decorations.

Burchard of Mount Sion, a German monk of
the Dominican Order, who visited Mount Carmel
in 1280, briefly refers to Elijah’s Cave:
A league from Haifa, on the left of the road to
Pilgrims’ Castle, upon Mount Carmel, is Elijah’s
cave and Elisha’s dwelling and well, where the
sons of the prophets dwelt, and the Carmelite
friars now dwell. I abode with them there.66

The interesting point in Burchard’s short description is the reference to the Cave as a small
monastery, inhabited by the Carmelite monks in
the second half of the 13th century.
In 1459, N. Calciuri of the Carmelite Order
wrote about his visit to the grotto, which he attributed to Elijah.67 Fr. Quaresmius of the Franciscan
Order, who visited the Cave in 1626, claims that
near the Cave was a “fons,” but he probably confused
this with the water-cisterns in the neighbourhood,
or with that in front of the Cave.68
In 1635, Philip of the Most Holy Trinity visited
Elijah’s Cave and claimed that it was habitatio sancti
Eliae, the place from where the Prophet saw the

cloud and called down fire upon the enemy soldiers. Here the “Sons of the Prophets” assembled.
The little grotto inside the big one was the cella
Sancti Eliae. Philip of the Most Holy Trinity notes the
presence of Moslem monks in the Cave, indicating
that it was used by them in his time as a mosque:
Angulus occidentalis a parte Septentrionalis, dicitur
promontorium Carmeli, … , estque sanctior pars ipsius
montis, quia praecipue fuit habitatio sancti Eliae, ibi
praevidit Beatam Virginem sub typo nubeculae, ibi attraxit
de caelo ad comburendos duos quinquagenarios cum suis
militibus, & alia mirabilia operates est; ibi est eius caverna
longa circiter viginti passus lata, & alta decem, excise intra
ipsum montem ad radices fere promontorij, quae est maxime
devotionis, tum apud Christianos, tum Iudaeos, tum Turcas;
dicitur ab incolis Arabice, el Kader, quod est epithetum sancti
Eliae, …habitatur a solitariis Mahometanis, nec extranei ad
ipsum admittuntur, nisi persoluto dimidio nummo: Intus ad
laevam ingredentium est alia caverna, sex circiter passus longa
& lata, … in hac parva caverna est altare cum imaginem
eiusdem Sanctissime Virginis Mariae de Monte Carmelo…;
creditur fuisse cella Sancti Eliae. & quod in maiori caverna
congregarentur filij Prophetarum tanquam in oratorio.69

Elijah’s Cave on Mount Carmel and its Inscriptions

Fig. 13. Decorations, details.

The occasion of the transformation of Elijah’s
Cave into a mosque is fully described by Fr. Albert,
in connection with the monastic activity of Fr.
Prosper on Mount Carmel, in the neighbourhood
of the Cave, between 1633 and 1635. When Fr.
Prosper returned to the Cave in 1635 he found it
converted into a mosque, with the pagan niche
having been modified to a mihrab.70
A French traveller, J. Doubdan, who visited the
area and also Elijah’s Cave in 1651, writes:
These two Grottoes enjoy the great respect and
awe of all the Christian Nations and also the
infidels, Turks, Moors, Arabs and Jews. And they
make pilgrimages to them by the thousands in
certain times of the year, because tradition states
that the Prophet Elijah used to live in them while
he was in this place; and he used the large cave
as a place of study where he would gather his
disciples, known as the ‘Sons of the Prophet,’ and

Fig. 14. Concave depression partially covered with plaster.
teach them, and also speak to the people who
would come to consult with him; and he used
the small cave as a place of prayer (oratory) where
he would pray, and on finishing his prayers, he
would drop in to another small cave, which can
still be seen on the crest of the mountain.71

A. Morison, another French traveller/pilgrim,
visited Elijah’s Cave in 1697-1698, and noted
that it is usually called “Kader.” Following a short
description of the Cave, its plan, measurements,
function and importance, he writes:
this cave and this oratory are held in singular
(or individual) veneration, not only by
Christians of all kinds of nations and rites, but
also by Muslims and Jews, who come here in
great numbers to sing the praises of God, and
to invoke the aid of a prophet, for whom they
have no less respect than ourselves.72

Asher Ovadiah and Rosario Pierri

The Dutch travellers J.A. van Egmont and J. Heyman, who visited Eretz Israel in 1700-1723, write
the following about Elijah’s Cave:
In this cave is a plain altar, where mass is
sometimes performed. Behind it are the marks
of an aperture, which has some time since been
walled up. In this aperture, the priest told us that
Turkish women, who were unfruitful, used to
sit down, from a superstitious notion that they
should afterwards bear children. But, as this gave
obscenity, leave (or agreement) was obtained
for closing it up. The priests pay annually to the
Grand Signior [probably the Pasha] a tribute
of one hundred and twenty piastres, for the
privilege of performing divine worship in this
cave. But the Jews, though they have repeatedly
offered a thousand piastres a year for the
privilege of making pilgrimages hither, never
could obtain it. This place the Turks themselves
reverence. The Greeks and Armenians have also a
place near this cave, where they pray.73

The account of the prohibition on Jews making pilgrimages to Elijah’s Cave, even after offering
considerable sums of money, is very strange, since
Doubdan describes in his book how Jews make
their pilgrimage there,74 and Morison also (in
1697-1698) was aware that both Jews and Muslims
used to come to the Cave in great numbers to pray
and praise their Creator.75
A.M. Myller, who visited the Cave in 1726, was
impressed by the site and writes:
The Jews hold this place in great reverence,
since it is here that the Prophet Elijah set up
twelve stones as an eternal memorial,76 in
which are inscribed many Hebrew letters.77

R. Pococke writes in 1738 the following about
Elijah’s Cave:
Nearby, is a prayer hall in a cave where, it is
said, Elijah sometimes lived there; and it is
visited with great admiration by even the Turks,
and also by the Christians and the Jews, on the
birthday of this holy person. (It is the custom
to visit the cave, especially on Sunday after the

Sabbath of Consolation [the Sabbath after Tisha
b’Av = the ninth of the month of Av]).78

Rabbi Abraham Ishmael Sanguinetti, a disciple
of Rabbi Haim ben Attar, tells us that Rabbi Haim
ben Attar and his disciples stayed in Elijah’s Cave
on Yom Kippur in 1742 together with the Jews
of Haifa.79 We find the following description of
Rabbi Haim ben Attar’s visit to the Cave in the
same year:
And this is Elijah’s Cave, blessed be his memory.
And as we entered the place, the Spirit of God
rested upon us and our souls were greatly
enlightened. And this is that same cave of
which it is said in the Talmud that the Divine
Presence never leaves it. And inside the Cave is a
small cave, also hewn in the mount, in the one
rock, and they say that this is the place of Elijah,
blessed be his memory. And there is not a single
fly to be seen in that same cave, not one. And
how great is its sanctity… In front of the Cave
there is a small cistern filled with rainwater.
During the summer no water can be seen in
it, it is dry, and we ask: O Lord Elijah, give us
water, and the next day it was full of water, and
there were several other miracles.80

Giambattista di S. Alessio of the Carmelite
Order lived on Mount Carmel during the years
1765-1774. In his book, he calls the Grotto “The
Synagogue of the ‘Sons of the Prophets’.” He claims
that it contained Latin and Arabic inscriptions, as
well as Hebrew and Greek. He recounts the legends
of the Carmelites about the Grotto, its use by Elijah
and Elisha, and how it became a sanctuary for the
Carmelites where they built a church in honour of
St. Mary. In particular, he expands on the legends
concerning the relation between the small grotto
and St. Mary. He states that the Jews and Christian
Greeks, who refer to the Cave, “call it the grotto of
Saint Elijah el Khader… but we usually call it the
grotto of the Madonna” (nominato la grotta di S. Elia
el Keder [= chadr]… ma noi ordinariamente la nominiamo
la grotta della Madonna). According to Giambattista,
Jacobus, the hermit of Porphyreon (not Haifa;
a settlement near Tyre. – A.O.) lived next to the
Grotto of Elijah.81

Elijah’s Cave on Mount Carmel and its Inscriptions

W. Turner, who visited Eretz Israel in 1815,
writes about the Cave:
This cave on the 20th of July, the fête of St. E(lias)
used to be resorted to by at least 2,000 Catholick
Greeks, Maronites, Jews,82 and Turks, who all
paid their devotions to the prophet, and gave a
small offering to the convent, which pays to the
Pasha of Acre an annual tribute of 110 piastres:
but the Pasha has latterly forbad this assembly.83

J. S. Buckingham visited Elijah’s Cave in January
1816 and describes it at length:
Into this (i.e. Elijah’s Cave. – A.O.) we entered,
and found it to be a well-hewn chamber, cut
entirely out of the rock, and squared with great
care; being twenty paces long, twelve broad,
and from fifteen to eighteen feet high. It has a
cell on the left, on entering, nearly in the centre
of its eastern side, large, but roughly hewn; and
around the south end, and west side, runs a low
bench of stone. A kind of altar, in a high recess,
stands at its further end, immediately opposite to
the door of entrance, before which there were,
at this moment, a curtain and a lamp. Beneath
were mats and carpets, for the accommodation
of visitors. It thus forms a comfortable halt for
travellers, as it affords shelter and shade, and has
a cistern of excellent water, a place for horses,
and a coffee-house adjoining. It is called the
“School of Elias,” from a notion that the prophet
taught his disciples there. It was formerly in
Christian hands, but it is now taken care of
by Mohammedans, who have built all these
convenient establishments about it. On the walls
several Greek inscriptions appeared, which we
had not time to copy; and we saw also, among
a multitude of visitors’ names, some written
recently in Hebrew characters, by Jews from
Accho; this place being held in equal esteem by
Jews, Mohammedans, and Christians.84

According to Buckingham, there was “a sort of
caravansera, built before a fine cave” (i.e. Elijah’s
Cave. – A.O.),85 where the Muslim guardian of the
Cave dwelt. At the time of the visit of V. Guérin to
Elijah’s Cave, he met there a dervish, guardian of

Fig. 15. An aedicula with a relief of two defaced
human figures and a libation vessel on the west
wall of the Cave.

the site, who lodged in the house (Buckingham’s
caravanserai).86 It seems to have been a tradition
to confide guardianship of the Cave to a dervish,
as had been done in the days of Philip of the Most
Holy Trinity and Fr. Prosper.87
The Cave was visited in 1820-1821 by the German scholar and traveller J.M.A. Scholz, who copied some fifteen inscriptions, albeit incompletely
and incorrectly.88
The Englishman J. Carne, who visited the Cave
in the 1830s, describes its interior space in addition
to a drawing, which seems to be inaccurate, and
calls it, like other visitors, the “Cave of the School of
the Prophets.” He adds the following description:
This is situated in the declivity of Mount Carmel,
above the road to Caesarea; it is lofty, and appears
to be a natural excavation, and not hewn out by
human labour.Through its arched doorway comes
the only light,… There are fragments of walls still
visible where a monastery formerly stood.89

C.W. Wilson, who visited the Cave in 18641866, describes it as follows:

Asher Ovadiah and Rosario Pierri

Fig. 16. Detail of Fig. 15.
The grotto known as “the School of the Prophets,”
at the foot of Mount Carmel, was, after a long
interval, purchased and tenanted for a time by a
small company of Carmelites. A little chapel was
built close to it by Fra Prospero, but in 1635 the
monks were massacred by the Muhammedans,
who took possession of the place and have held
it ever since. They regard it with great reverence,
and keep lamps constantly burning there in
honour of Elijah, and it is visited by a great
number of pilgrims of divers creeds every year.
The grotto, which is partly artificial, is twentyeight by twenty-one feet square, and eighteen
feet in height. I once saw a rudely carved and
painted wooden cradle here, and was told that
it had been brought by a young mother who
had lost two children successively in infancy, and
who desired a blessing and protection for her
newly-born child, and infant son. A small house,
built only a few years ago, stands opposite the
entrance to the grotto, where the ruins of the
chapel of Fra Prospero could formerly be traced.
A palm-tree grows within the enclosed Court of
this sanctuary.90

The French scholar E. Renan mentions the Cave
of Elijah on Mount Carmel as the centre of the
cult of the ancient god Carmel.91 Another French
scholar/traveller,V. Guérin, who also visited Elijah’s
Cave in the 1860s, describes it in detail, stating that
it was an ancient beautiful grotto (“une belle grotte
antique”), known as École des prophètes or Synagogue
d’Élie. The Cave was converted into a mosque by
the Muslims after 1635, dedicated to el-Khader
(Prophet Elijah). Guérin also points out its measurements and emphasizes that it was a natural cave,
enlarged and adapted for human use. He mentions
that the walls of the Cave feature Greek, Latin and
Hebrew inscriptions engraved by numerous pilgrims, but difficult to decipher because of their
bad state of preservation.92
C.R. Conder and H.H. Kitchener, who carried
out the Survey of Western Palestine in the 1870s,
write the following about Elijah’s Cave:
At the foot of Carmel is el Khudr, or the ‘Place
of Elijah’ – a modern house in front of a grotto,
which is partly artificial, measuring about 7
yards by 8 and 6 high. This grotto is known as

Elijah’s Cave on Mount Carmel and its Inscriptions

Fig. 17. Inscribed votive marble foot of a colossal statue.
the ‘School of the Prophet.’ The site was bought
in 1631 by Fra Prospero di Spirito Santo, a
native of Biscaglia, and a small Chapel erected.
In 1635 a massacre of the monks occurred,
and the place was seized by the Moslems. The
present building is said to date from 1867.
There is a palm in the courtyard.93

The Cave was visited by another German
scholar, Lydia Einsler, in the early 1890s, repeating
the same description as that by previous visitors.
She states that many people visit it during the year,
and Muslims, Christians and Jews participate there
in popular festivities.94
Among the various works written in the late
19th and 20th century mentioning Elijah’s Cave, of
particular interest are those by J. Germer-Durand,95
E.F. von Mülinen (1906-1907),96 a group of Professors of Notre-Dame de France at Jerusalem,97 B.
Meistermann,98 Cl. Kopp,99 I. Press,100 Z. Vilnay,101
A. Augustinovic´102 and others. The Cave was also

briefly described in encyclopaedias and guide
books on Eretz Israel throughout the 20th century.
The frequent visits of travellers and scholars to Elijah’s Cave and their interest in the site, expressed
in their descriptions, show the importance that the
site has retained over the generations.
None of the later historical sources mentioning
the Cave are scientifically sound, and the descriptions are based on personal impressions. Each description expresses the personality and style of its
author. Some are expansive, some brief, according
to the interest of the author in the site, but none
underestimate the importance of the Cave and its
unique properties. Furthermore, local traditions and
tales have added a dimension of sanctity to the Cave
over the later generations. The number of pilgrims
has consequently increased over the years, and over
the last few centuries the Cave has become a site of
pilgrimage for Jews, Christians, Muslims and Druze.
Asher Ovadiah

Asher Ovadiah and Rosario Pierri

Part II
D. The Inscriptions
Of the total number of 180 engraved inscriptions on the west and east walls of the Cave (170
in Greek, 1 in Latin and 9 in Hebrew), approx. 90
are legible (Figs. 18-19, 38). The remaining are in
a bad state of preservation and their reading and
completion is difficult. These inscriptions have
been eroded over the course of time, damaged or
deleted by later visitors/pilgrims, who superimposed their own personal details upon the earlier
ones. Most of the inscriptions are enclosed within
a frame: either tabula ansata (29 on the west wall
and 16 on the east one), rectangular or irregular.
The height of the letters of the inscriptions varies
from 1-1.50 cm to 14 cm. Their width also varies
among the inscriptions. The size of the letters thus
cannot be used as a chronological criterion. This
disorder of the engravings would seem to have
resulted from the lack of space on the walls, and
to have occurred at a certain stage of the existence
of the Cave. Those inscriptions with large and
conspicuous letters perhaps attest to the intention of the visitor/pilgrim to give prominence
to himself. The visitors/pilgrims undoubtedly
inscribed their names and other personal details
for commemoration, and to ensure prosperity
and good fortune.
The epigraphic material in Elijah’s Cave offers
one of the most important, richest and largest repertoires of Greek inscriptions in the Land of Israel
of the Roman and early Byzantine periods, like
those in the Jewish cemeteries in Beth She‘arim103
and Jaffa104 and that in an Early Christian church
in Bethany.105
From the 4th or 5th century CE onwards,
Elijah’s Cave served as a pilgrimage site for both
Jews and Christians (later on also for Druze and
Muslims) and some of the Greek inscriptions can
be dated to the early Byzantine period.
In this work, a selection of 22 of the bestpreserved above-mentioned Greek inscriptions will
be discussed. They are numbered according to the
consecutive numbers appearing in the drawings of
the inscriptions.106 The remaining inscriptions will
be dealt with in a later study.

The inscriptions present a rich and impressive
onomasticon of 81 masculine and feminine personal
names (except for those in the Hebrew and Latin
inscriptions), some of which are unfamiliar.
Most of the onomasticon consists of Greek personal
names, well known throughout the Greek and
Roman worlds, but a considerable number of
Latin names appear in Greek transliteration or
transcription, such as: Αἰμ<ί>λ[ιος] (No. 109),
Γερμανός (No. 93), Δο[μιτ]τίλλα (No. 145),
Δόμ(νος) or Δόμ(να) (?) (No. 10A), Ἔλιος (No.
18), Ἰουλιανός (No. 136), Ἰουλίου (No. 50),
Κάνδιδα (No. 10), Λουκία (No. 142), Λουκίλλις
(No. 22), Λούκιος (Nos. 1, 69A, 70, 103), Μάγνα
(No. 12), Μάζιμος (No. 51), Μαριάς (No. 17),
Μαρῖνος (No. 109), Οὐαλέριος (No. 135), Οὐάλης
(No. 39), Οὐάπ(ι)ος (No. 16), Πούπλιος (Nos. 36,
103), Φαβιανοῦ (No. 21). It should be noted that
some names of Semitic origin, Ἀλαφαῖος (No.
80), Ἀστάτρι (No. 76, sounds Semitic), Ἠλί[ας?]
(No. 147), Ἰονᾶς (No. 20), Ἰούδας (No. 40),
Mάλαχος (No. 92), also appear in Greek transliteration or transcription. The last four names are
typically Jewish.
The following personal names, including those
that will be discussed in a later article, were in
use among Jews: Αἴλιος instead of Ἔλιος (No. 1),
Ἀλέξανδρος (No. 19), Γερμανός (No. 93), Δάμας or
Δαμᾶς (No. 108), Δημήτριος (No. 102), Διογένης
(No. 5), Ζεῦξις (No. 103), Θεόδωρος (Nos. 24[?],
37, 96), Ἰουλιανός (No. 136), Κάνδιδα (No. 10),
Κυρί(λ)λα (No. 94), Κύριλλος (No. 18), Λούκιος
(Nos. 1, 69A, 70, 103), Μαρία (No. 17), Μνασέας
(No. 10), Πέτρος (No. 146), Πτολεμαῖος (Nos. 96,
141), Ϲωσέας instead of Ϲωσίας (Nos. 48, 140).
Several personal names, including some of
those that are not discussed here, appear more than
once: Διόφαντος (Nos. 20, 102), Θεόδωρος (Nos.
24[?], 37, 96), Λούκιος (Nos. 1, 69A, 70, 103),
Πτολεμαῖος (Nos. 96, 141), Ϲωσίας (Nos. 48, 140).
It can be surmised that these names had acquired,
for various reasons, a wide use and became frequent and popular in Antiquity and Late Antiquity.
The personal names of the men and women
are as follows:
Ἀγαθηνός No. 131
Ἀγιπις
No. 27

Elijah’s Cave on Mount Carmel and its Inscriptions

Αἰμ<ί>λ[ιος] No. 109
Ἀλαφαῖος No. 80
Ἀλέξανδρος No. 19
Ἄνης
No. 142
Ἄν[να] No. 109
Ἀπουνᾶς(?)
No. 21
Ἄντι (voc. of Ἄντις)
No. 95
Ἄντυ (voc. of Ἄντυς)
No. 129
Ἀσία
No. 24
Ἀσκληπιάδης No. 39
Ἀστάτρι No. 76
Αὐγούριπος No. 83
Γαία or Γάϊα
No. 8
Γερμανός No. 93
Δάμας or Δαμᾶς
No. 108
Δημητρᾶς No. 17
Δημήτριος No. 102
Διογέ[νης] No. 5
Διόφαντος
Nos. 20, 102
Δο[μιτ]τίλλα No. 145
Δόμ(νος) or Δόμ(να) (?)
No. 10A
Δύμνη(?)
No. 88
Δώδμη (voc. of Δώδμη?)
No. 86
Ἔλιος No. 18
Ε[ὐτ]υκία
No. 89
Ζεῦξις No. 103
Ζήνων No. 113
Ζώσυς
No. 145
Ἠλί[ας] / Ἥλι[ος]
No. 147
Ἡλιό[δωρος] No. 136
Θεόδωρος
Nos. 24(?), 37, 96
Θή[α](?)
No. 80A
Θωμ[ᾶ]ν No. 101
Ἰονᾶς No. 20
Ἰούδας No. 40
Ἰουλιανός No. 136
Ἰουλίου (gen. of Ἰούλιος)
No. 50
Ἰ[ού]λ[λ]ις
No. 135A
Ἰ[σ]αί(?)
No. 42
Κάνδιδα No. 10
Κυρί(λ)λα No. 94
Κυρίλλῳ (dat. of Κύριλλος) No. 18
Λουκία No. 142
Λουκίλλις No. 22
Λούκιος Nos.1,69A,70,103
Μάγνα No. 129
Μαδαρχία No. 147a
Μάζιμος No. 51

Mάλαχος No. 92
Μαρίας No. 17
Μαρῖνος No. 109
Μασ[ᾶς]
No. 69A
[Μ]ήνιος
No. 27
Μνασέας No. 10
Μνησίσιο[ς]
No. 15
Μον[ίμου] / Μον[άθου]
No. 94
Μύνδος No. 137A
Νανᾶς or Νανάς
No. 68
Νόνα (also Νόννα)
No. 94
Νομ[..]κανος No. 136
Οἰτισκήλιον No. 136
Ὀπ[.]υανη No. 131
Οὐαλέριος No. 132
Οὐαλέρις No. 135
Οὐάλης No. 39
Οὐλ[ιάδης] / Οὔλ[πιος]
No. 135
Οὐάπ(ι)ος
No. 16
Πέτρε (voc. of Πέτρος)
No. 146
Πολε[…]ν No. 131
Πούπλιος
Nos. 36, 103
Πτολεμαῖος
Nos. 96, 141
Ϲατυρίου (gen. of Ϲατύριος) No. 1
Ϲάωνος
No. 41
Ϲηωνᾶς No. 108
Ϲωσίας
Nos. 48, 140
Ϲωσιπάτρα No. 93
Φαβιανοῦ (gen. of Φαβιανός) No. 21
Φάλις
No. 92
Φιλ[ό]π[α]π(π)ος
No. 22

Inscription No. 18 features a title indicating
respect – Μέγιστος – (the) Most Mighty, which
suggests the importance and social and/or political
status of the person.
The single Latin inscription (No. 28), engraved
on the west wall of the Cave, yielded three proper
names: Calvus (engraved Calvo in the dative case),
Monicus and Met[tia] or Met[tius]. It is difficult to
determine whether the third incomplete name is
feminine or masculine. The date of the inscription
is problematic, but the names suggest its attribution to the Roman period.
The nine Hebrew inscriptions contain nine
masculine and feminine names:
‫ – יצחק בר כומה‬Isaac bar (son of) Koma – No. 91
(on the west wall);

Asher Ovadiah and Rosario Pierri

… ‫ יעקב‬- Jacob … (incomplete, without a consecutive number, on the west wall, below inscription
No. 141);
‫ ישראל בן ראובן‬- Israel son of Reuben (without
a consecutive number, on the west wall, below
inscription No. 141);
‫ – בנימין ה”ר )הבן של רבי( או בר שלמה‬Benjamin
the son of (or bar) Shelomo (without a consecutive
number, on the east wall);
‫ – חיים‬Haim (without a consecutive number,
on the east wall);
‫ יעקב‬,‫ ראובן‬,‫ ישראל‬,‫ – רבקה‬Rivkah, Israel, Reuben, Jacob (without a consecutive number, on the
east wall).
The Hebrew names are most probably of Jews
from Acre/Acco, who visited the Cave in the 18th
and 19th centuries. According to some of the
historical/literary sources mentioned above, Jews
from Acre/Acco, who revered the prophet Elijah
and his holy place, used to make a pilgrimage to
the Cave, where they engraved their names as a
symbol of commemoration, success, prosperity,
good fortune and a plea for protection against the
evil eye, disease and unexpected disaster.
The language of the Greek inscriptions is not
unified, ranging from simple (most of the inscriptions) to higher (Nos. 18 and 103) and reflecting
the level of education of the visitors/pilgrims. Although their formulation is uniform, some inscriptions are longer and others are shorter. Inscription
No. 18 is of a commemorative character, while also
containing an exceptional request – not to profane
the site (the Cave).
The formulae μνησθῇ (remembered be)107 and
εὐτύχ<ε>ι (succeed or be happy, in the imperative)108 are of commemorative character and
prophylactic against the evil eye or any disaster.
Both formulae appear repeatedly at the head of
the inscriptions. In six cases (Nos. 12, 17, 31,
80, 83, 128) μνησθῇ appears, both at the head
of the inscription and at its end, and seems to
be exceptional. Mνησθῇ, like the Aramaic and
Hebrew formulae ‫ דכיר לטב‬and ‫ זכור לטובה‬respectively,109 was in use by different religions
in various periods and geographical regions,
and thus cannot serve to identify the religion
of the individual mentioned in the inscription.
The same applies to εὐτύχει. Another exceptional

formula, which appears four times, is χαρῇ (Nos.
94, 102A, 108, 109), that is, happy be.
In the northern part of the east wall of the Cave
two menorahs (seven-branched candlesticks) were
engraved, one rounded and the other angular
(Figs. 20, 38). According to the design of similar
menorahs, found in ancient mosaic pavements,110
they can probably be attributed to between the
4th and 6th centuries CE. These menorahs unequivocally attest to Jewish pilgrims having visited the
Cave in Late Antiquity. They appear to have been
engraved by skilled engravers with a trained hand,
who probably worked at the site and were paid by
the visitors/pilgrims. The same is true for the fine
and monumental inscriptions. We can assume that
the tabulae ansatae frames too indicate the existence
of such skilled engravers.
In the north-east corner of the Cave there is a
monumental cross of equal arms, engraved within
a round medallion, probably of the Crusader period
(Fig. 21). Another plain and smaller cross with
four equal arms, standing on a triangular form,
possibly a stylized and schematic representation
of the hill of Golgotha, is engraved between the
letters of inscription No. 69A on the west wall.
This is the so-called Greek type cross (crux immissa)
that can perhaps be dated to the early Byzantine
period (although there are no grounds to confirm
this date).111
Inscription No. 1 (Fig. 22)
The inscription is enclosed in a rectangular
frame (45 × 88 cm) and consists of four lines. The
script is uniform, regular and rather monumental;
some letters are round, as for example the Θ, Ο
and Ϲ. The inscription is of high quality and in a
very good state of preservation, like inscription
No. 93 (see below). It seems to be the work of a
skilled engraver.
1. Mνησθῇ Λού- Remembered be Lou2. κιος Ϲατυρίο- kios son of Satyrios
3. υ σὺ πᾶν οἰκί- with all the hou4. αν ὀλι[..λο] se oli[..lo].112
Lines 1-3: Λούκιος Ϲατυρίου.- Λούκιος, in the
nominative case, is a prevalent masculine Latin
name in Greek transliteration,113 widespread in

many geographical regions of the Greek and Roman worlds, such as in the Aegean islands, Cyprus
and Cyrenaica, Attica, the Peloponnese, Western
Greece, Sicily and Magna Graecia, Central Greece,
Macedonia, Thrace, Northern Regions of the Black
Sea and Coastal Asia Minor (Pontos to Ionia),
from the 1st century BCE up to the 3rd century
CE and even later, as well as in Syria, Moab and
Egypt.114 The name is frequent in the provinces of
Palaestina and Arabia, where it is either used as a
praenomen, mostly for Roman governors of Arabia,
in cities of the Decapolis, or as a single name in
Moab, Caesarea Maritima, Tyre and Hauran.115
Λούκιος also appears among Jewish names.116
Ϲατυρίου, the father of Λούκιος, is a masculine
Greek name whose nominative form can be
Ϲάτυρις117 or Ϲατύριος (since it is very close to
the personal name Ϲάτυρος,118 perhaps the letter
ι was engraved in error). Ϲάτυρος also appears
among Jewish names.119
Lines 3-4: σὺ πᾶν οἰκίαν.- It is erroneously
engraved in the accusative; the correct reading
should be σὺν πάσῃ οἰκίᾳ, in the dative; namely,
with all the house. The intention is probably to
commemorate the members of the house of
Loukios, son of Satyris or Satyrios, suggesting
good fortune and protection from the evil eye
or any disaster.
Inscription No. 5 (Fig. 23)
The inscription is enclosed in a rectangular
frame (39 × 59 cm) and consists of two lines. The
script is rather regular and uniform, but is poorly
engraved. Some letters are round, as for example
the Θ, Ο, Ϲ and Φ.
1. Μνησ[θῇ]
2. Διογέ[νης]

Remembered be
Dioge[nes].

Line 2: Διογέ[νης].- A frequent masculine
Greek name, in the nominative, widespread in the
Aegean islands, Cyprus and Cyrenaica, Attica, the
Peloponnese, Western Greece, Sicily and Magna
Graecia, Macedonia, Thrace, Northern Regions of
the Black Sea and Coastal Asia Minor (Pontus to
Ionia), continuously from the 6th century BCE up
to the 6th century CE.120 The name also appears
among Jewish names.121

Fig. 18. Diagram recording the location of the inscriptions on the west wall of the Cave.

Elijah’s Cave on Mount Carmel and its Inscriptions

Fig. 19. Diagram recording the location of the inscriptions on the west wall of the Cave.

Asher Ovadiah and Rosario Pierri
49

Elijah’s Cave on Mount Carmel and its Inscriptions

Fig. 20. Two menorahs on the east wall of the Cave.

Fig. 21. A monumental cross engraved within a round medallion in the north-east corner of the Cave.

Asher Ovadiah and Rosario Pierri

Inscription No. 10 (Fig. 24)
The inscription (32 × 37 cm) consists of five
lines. The script is regular and uniform and some
letters are square, as for example the Ε, Θ and Ϲ.
This is a complete inscription and the engraver
appears to have been skilled.
1. Μνη-
2. σθῇ Κάν-
3. διδα
4. καὶ Μνασέ-
5. ας

Remembered be Kandida
and Mnaseas.122

Lines 2-3: Κάνδιδα.- A feminine name, in the
nominative, adopted from the Latin to the Greek
onomasticon.123 Variants of Κάνδιδα are Κανδέδας (in
the genitive), ε instead of ι124 and Κανδίδεα (in
the nominative).125 Its masculine counterpart is
Κάνδιδος (= Candidus).126 Κάνδιδα also appears
among Jewish names.127
Lines 4-5: Μνασέας.- A masculine Greek name,
in the nominative, prevailed in the Aegean islands,
Cyprus and Cyrenaica, Attica, the Peloponnese,
Western Greece, Central Greece, Macedonia,Thrace

Fig. 22. Inscription No. 1.

and Coastal Asia Minor, from the 5th century BCE
up to the 4th century CE,128 as well as in Syria in the
Roman period.129 Two very close names – Μνασήας
and Μνασίας – appear in Attica in the Hellenistic
period, possibly variants of Μνασέας.130 Μνασίας
is also found in Central Greece in the Late Classical and Hellenistic periods (there is one exception
from the 2nd century CE).131 Μνασέας also appears
among Jewish names.132
Inscription No. 17 (Fig. 25)
The inscription is enclosed within a rectangular
frame (no measurements) and consists of three
lines. The script is regular and uniform and seems
to have been engraved by a trained hand. Some
letters, Θ, Ο and Ϲ, are round; the foot of the Υ is
exceptionally short and angular.
The formula μνησθῇ was engraved twice, at the
head of the inscription and at its end (line 3), as
in inscriptions Nos. 80, 83.
1. Μνησθῇ Δημητρᾶς Remembered be Demetras
son of Maria, all
2. Μαρίας υἱὸς πᾶν
3. [μνησ]θῇ [.]ι[…..] remembered be [.] i…..].

Elijah’s Cave on Mount Carmel and its Inscriptions

Fig. 23. Inscription No. 5.

Fig. 24. Inscription No. 10.

Asher Ovadiah and Rosario Pierri

Fig. 25. Inscription No. 17.

Line 1: Δημητρᾶς.- A masculine Greek name in
the nominative, probably a hypocoristic form of
Δημητριάδης, like Ἀσκληπᾶς for Ἀσκληπιάδης.133
Line 2: Μαρίας.- A Greek transliteration, in the
genitive, of the feminine Latin name Maria. It also
appears in Greek in Jewish inscriptions from the
Jewish catacombs in Rome.134 The name is frequent
in various geographical regions in the Roman and
early Byzantine periods.135 Μαρία οr Μαρίας also
appears among Jews.136
Line 3: [μνησ]θῇ.- The letters θ and η are joined
together and form a ligature.
Inscription No. 18 (Fig. 26)
The inscription is enclosed in a tabula ansata (27
× 41 cm) and consists of six lines. In each ansa is
an ivy leaf, which often appears in inscriptions
of the Roman period. The script is usually regular
and uniform and has been skillfully engraved.
Some letters are round, like the Ε (another Ε is
square), Θ, Μ, Ο, Ϲ and ω. This is a dedicatory
inscription by Elios, the decurio, to his son Kyrillos,
with a prohibition against profaning the Cave.
1. Μνησ[θ]ῇ Ἔλι2. ος Μ[έ]γιστος

Remembered be Elios M[e]gistos ([the]
Most Mighty),

3. δεκου[ρί]ων κολ(ωνίας)
4. Πτολαιμα(ΐδος) Κυρ[ί]λλῳ

5. υἱῷ. Εἰαέσ[θ]ο τῷ μὴ
6. λιένοντι ὁ τόπος

decu[ri]o of the col[ony]
of Ptolema[is],
to (my) son Kyr[i]llos.
It is forbidden
to profane the place.137

Lines 1-2: Ἔλιος Μ[έ]γιστος.- The letter A in
the name Ἔλιος is missing, probably a distortion
of Ἀέλιος, the Greek transcription of the Latin
name Aelius,138 or Αἴλιος.139 Αἴλιος was also in use
among Jews.140 Μ[έ]γιστος ([the] Most Mighty)
is the superlative of μέγας, a title of respect that
indicates the authoritative, supreme and dominant
personality of Elios.
Line 3: δεκου[ρί]ων.- This title, in the nominative, is a Greek transliteration of the Latin decurio
and is identical with the Greek title δεκάδαρχος or
δεκαδάρχης. This may indicate one of three positions known mainly from other Greek inscriptions
discovered in the eastern Roman empire: a) a civilian municipal position – member of a city council
or council of some other type of settlement; b) a
position in a collegium, as a council member; and c)
a military position, namely a cavalry officer. Latin
inscriptions from the Roman eastern provinces
frequently include the title decurio with references
to the positions suggested above. The first position

Elijah’s Cave on Mount Carmel and its Inscriptions

Fig. 26. Inscriptions Nos. 18-19.

Fig. 27. Inscription No. 36.

Asher Ovadiah and Rosario Pierri

would appear to be the most probably for this
inscription.141
Line 4: Πτολαιμα(ΐδος) Κυρ[ί]λλῳ.- The letters
λ and α in the word Πτολαιμα(ΐδος) form a ligature through engraving of the α within the λ. The
diphthong αι was erroneously engraved, instead
of ε, or perhaps this is in phonetic spelling. Thus
the correct spelling should be Πτολεμα(ΐδος),
in the genitive, the Greek name of Acre/Acco.
Κυρ[ί]λλῳ, in the dative, is a masculine Greek
name for Κύριλλος (Kyrillos). It prevailed in
the Aegean islands (Crete) and Cyprus,142 Central Greece,143 Macedonia, Skythia Minor and
Thrace,144 and Coastal Asia Minor,145 as well as

Fig. 28. Inscription No. 37.

in Syria146 in the Hellenistic, Roman and early
Byzantine periods. The name is well documented
in Palaestina and Arabia both in pagan and Christian epigraphic material. The pagan examples,
which date to between the late 2nd and the late
3rd centuries CE, come from the Golan Heights,
Gerasa and Bostra in Hauran. The name Κύριλλος
was also in use among Jews in the Land of Israel; it is mentioned in two inscriptions from
Jaffa and in three epitaphs from the cemetery
at Beth She‘arim. The Christian occurrences are
encountered mainly at Kerak in Moab, Nessana
in the Negev and Wadi Haggag in Sinai.147 Its
feminine counterpart – Κύρι(λ)λα – is engraved

Elijah’s Cave on Mount Carmel and its Inscriptions

in inscription No. 94 (and will be discussed in
the forthcoming article).
Line 5: Εἰαέσ[θ]ο τῷ μή.- Εἰαέσ[θ]ο is mistakenly engraved; the correct spelling should be
εἰάσ[θ]<ω> (= ἐάσθω), third person singular,
in the present imperative passive, from the verb
ἐάω; when the verb is connected with a negative
word (τῷ μή, as in our case) its connotation is to
forbid.148 This word may also be read as εἵλεως (=
ἵλεως) – favourable –, the present optative εἴη or
the present imperative ἔστω from εἰμί.
Line 6: λιένοντι ὁ τόπος.- Perhaps, the engraver
misspelled λιένοντι instead of <μ>ι<αί>νοντι, in the
dative singular, of the verb μιαίνω – to defile, sully,
profane.149 Its connection with the words in line 5
means avoidance, profanation or defilement of the
place (ὁ τόπος), i.e. the Cave. If correct, it indicates
that the Cave was sacred as a cultic place or shrine
in the Roman period, at the time that the dedicatory inscription was engraved on the wall by Elios
the decurio, presumably an educated person. Another
possibility is that the engraver misspelled λιένοντι,
or engraved it in phonetic spelling, instead of
λι<αί>νοντι (present participle), the singular dative
masculine of λιαίνω <χλιαίνω – to warm; in this case
the verb may indicate fever.150 Consequently, the
alternative reading of lines 4-6 will be as follows:
4. … Κυρ[ί]λλῳ
5. υἱῷ, εἵλεως τῷ μὴ
6. λι<αί>νοντι ὁ τόπος

The place should be favourable
to (my) son Kyrillos,
who will not be affected
any more by fever.

In this case, too, the Cave can be regarded as a
sacred site due of its healing qualities.
The inscription in question, similar to No. 103
(see below), is unusual among those discovered
in Elijah’s Cave because of its particular linguistic
expressions. In addition, it evinces the strong connections, especially religious ones, between Elijah’s
Cave and Phoenicia in general, and Ptolemais
(Acre/Acco) in particular.
Inscription No. 19 (Fig. 26)
The inscription (16 × 20 cm) consists of three
lines. The script is regular and uniform, and some
letters are round, such as Θ, Ο, Ρ and Ϲ.The inscription was engraved by a trained hand.

Remembered be
1. Μνησθῇ
Alexan2. Ἀλέξαν-
3. δρος dros.
Lines 2-3: Ἀλέξανδρος.- A very common masculine Greek name, in the nominative, spread
throughout the Greek and Roman worlds, even
in later periods.151 The name is also very frequent
among Jews.152
Inscription No. 36 (Fig. 27)
The inscription is enclosed in a tabula ansata
(46 × 48 cm) and consists of four lines. The
script is regular and uniform, and some letters
are round, such as Θ, Ο, Ρ, Ϲ and Φ. The foot of
the Ρ, in the third line, is angular, like the Υ in
inscription No. 17. The inscription was engraved
by a trained hand.
1. Μνησθῇ
2. Πούπλιος
3. κ[αὶ] [..]ηρ
4. καὶ οἱ φίλοι

Remembered be
Pouplios
and [..]er
and the friends.

Line 2: Πούπλιος.- A Greek transcription, in the
nominative, of the masculine Latin name Publius.153
It also appears in the form of Πόπλιος;154 interestingly, this name was also in use among Jews, as for
example, in Teos, Asia Minor.155
Line 3: κ[αὶ] [..]ηρ.- And a certain one (ὁ δεῖνα);
the name is damaged and is difficult to reconstruct.
Line 4: καὶ οἱ φίλοι.- (Remembered be) also the
friends of Πούπλιος and the certain one (ὁ δεῖνα)
(in line 3).
Inscription No. 37 (Fig. 28)
The inscription (15 × 47 cm) consists of two
lines. The script is quite regular and uniform, with
square (Ε and ω) and oval/round (Ε, Θ, Ο, Ρ and Ϲ)
letters.The letters Ε and Ο in Theodoros’ name form
a ligature, through the Ε engraved within the Ο.The
inscription was not engraved by a trained hand.
1. Κὲ Θεόδωρ- And Theodoros remembered be.
2. oς μνη[σθῇ]
Lines 1-2: Κὲ Θεόδωρος.- Κέ is instead of κ<αί>,
either a common mistake or phonetic spelling in

Asher Ovadiah and Rosario Pierri

Greek inscriptions, especially in the Roman and
early Byzantine periods (see also inscriptions Nos.
21, 24, 92, 94, 108, 113, 140, 149).
Θεόδωρος is a popular pagan theophoric Greek
name, widespread in the Greek and Roman worlds
(see below inscription No. 96).156 It survived in the
Christian nomenclature, acquiring a new “Christian” meaning.157 Use of Θεόδωρος is frequent in
Palaestina and Arabia, where the name appears
mostly in the Christian context but also occasionally in the pagan one.158 The name was also in use
among Jews.159
The position of the present inscription, below
No. 36, makes it possible to consider that the formula μνησθῇ, at the head of inscription No. 36,
served both inscriptions simultaneously, despite
its appearance also at the end of the inscription
in question (for a similar case, with the formula
χαρῇ, see below inscriptions Nos. 108 and 109).
If this suggestion is correct, the reading should
be as follows: Μνησθῇ … κ<αὶ> Θεόδωρος μνησθῇ.
Use of the same formula as that of No. 36 but a
different script, both indicate that the present inscription was engraved at a later stage by another hand.
Inscription No. 39 (Fig. 29)
The inscription is enclosed in a tabula ansata (15
× 32 cm) and consists of four lines. The script is
regular and uniform, with oval/round letters (Θ,
O, and Ϲ). It was engraved by a trained hand.
1. Μνησθῇ Οὐάλης
2. καὶ Ἀσκληπιάδ3. ης καὶ Θ[…]υσ[…]
4. πᾶς αγ[……]

Remembered be Ouales
and Asklepiades and Th[…]ys[…]
every one ag[……].

Line 1: Οὐάλης.- A Greek transcription of the
masculine Latin name Valens. The name is frequent
in the first-third centuries CE and later in various
geographical regions.160
Lines 2-3: Ἀσκληπιάδης.- A very common
masculine Greek name, in the nominative, that
prevailed in the Greek and Roman worlds, in the
Hellenistic and Roman periods.161 According to
some scholars, since the bearer of this name as
a rule practiced medicine, which was hereditary
from father to son, the name Ἀσκληπιάδης gradually
came to be the equivalent of physician.162 In fact,

Fig. 29. Inscription No. 39.

several well-known medical doctors of the Roman
period bore the name Ἀσκληπιάδης.163
Inscription No. 48 (Fig. 30)
The inscription is enclosed in a rectangular
frame (18 × 24 cm) and consists of five lines (the
fifth line is missing). The script is irregular, with
some round letters (Ε, Θ, Ϲ and ω) and an angular
letter (Ϲ) in the second line. The inscription was
carelessly engraved.
1. Mνησθῇ
2. Cωσίας
3. μετὰ τέκ-
4. να ἡμ[ᾶ]ς
5. [……]

Remembered be
Sosias
with our
children
[……].

Line 2: Cωσίας.- A masculine Greek name in
the nominative, found frequently in the Greek
world from the 6th century BCE up to the 3rd
century CE.164 Its feminine counterpart is probably
Ϲωσέας (Soseas), a name also appearing among
Jews.165

Elijah’s Cave on Mount Carmel and its Inscriptions

Fig. 30. Inscription No. 48.

Fig. 31. Inscriptions Nos. 76, 86.

Lines 3-4: τέκνα ἡμ[ᾶ]ς.- The word τέκνα was
mistakenly engraved in the accusative instead of
τέκνων in the genitive, namely μετὰ τέκνων. Ἡμᾶς
– a pronoun, first person plural in the accusative,
instead of ἡμῶν in the genitive.

Inscription No. 76 (Fig. 31)
The inscription (7 × 70 cm) consists of only
one line. It seems reasonable to complete the formula μνησθῇ before the proper name; the letter Ϲ
is rather square.

Asher Ovadiah and Rosario Pierri

[Mνησθῇ] Ἀστάτρι

[Remembered be] Astatri.

If the reading is correct, however, the name is
unfamiliar.
Inscription No. 80 (Fig. 32)
A graffito enclosed in an incomplete rectangular
frame (14 × 38 cm) and consisting of three lines.
The script is regular, with some oval/round letters
(Θ, Ο, Ϲ and Φ). The inscription was not engraved
by a trained hand. An unclear Greek graffito of
three lines (No. 81) was engraved above line 1 of
the present inscription and in between its letters.
It is unclear which inscription is the earlier one.
1. [M]νησθῇ
2. Ἀλαφαῖος Ν,
3. μνησθῇ

Fig. 32. Inscriptions Nos. 80, 83.

Fig. 33. Inscription No. 93.

Remembered be
Alaphaios (the younger),
remembered be.

Line 1: Μνησθῇ. – The formula appears twice,
at the head of the inscription and at its end (line
3), as in inscriptions Nos. 17, 83.
Line 2: Ἀλαφαῖος Ν.- A rare masculine name
in the nominative; the same name, but with ε

Elijah’s Cave on Mount Carmel and its Inscriptions

instead αι – Ἀλαφέος (Alapheos) – was found on

a Jewish tombstone in the Golan Heights (its date
is obscure, either 1st or 4th century CE).166 It is
unclear whether the correct spelling is Ἀλαφαῖος
or Ἀλαφέος. The two versions of the name are of
Semitic origin, possibly a variant of Ἄλαφος. The
latter, derived from the Nabataean root hlfw, is a
Greek transcription of Khalaf, that is, successor (of
Allah – God).167 The letter N may be an abbreviation
of Ν(εώτερος), that is, the younger.168
Inscription No. 83 (Fig. 32)
The inscription is enclosed in a tabula ansata
(16 × 32 cm) and consists of three lines. The
script is regular and rather monumental, with
some round letters (Θ, Ο, Ρ and Ϲ).The inscription
was engraved by a skilled engraver and the letters
of the personal name are embellished with small
horizontal lines.
The formula μνησθῇ was engraved twice, at the
head of the inscription and at its end (line 3), as
in inscriptions Nos. 17, 80.
1. Mνησθῇ
2. Αὐγούρι-
3. πος, μνησθῇ

Remembered be
Augouripos, remembered be.

Lines 2-3: Αὐγούριπος, μνησθῇ.- An unfamiliar
masculine Latin(?) name, in the nominative, in
Greek transliteration(?). It sounds like Αὐγορῖνος /
Αὐγουρῖνος;169 perhaps the engraver was mistaken
when he engraved the name on the wall, and the
intention was actually to engrave Αὐγουρῖνος. The
two last letters of μνησθῇ are joined together, forming a ligature.
Inscription No. 86 (Fig. 31)
The inscription (18 × 38 cm) consists of two
lines. The script is regular and the letters were
meticulously engraved. The Ε is oval/round and
the letters Ϲ and ω are square.
1. Εὐτύχ(ε)ι
2. σύ, Δώδμη

Succeed or be happy
you, Dodme.

Line 1: Εὐτύχ(ε)ι.- This formula appears, like
μνησθῇ, at the head of the inscription and is the
second person singular imperative of εὐτυχέω

(the ε is mistakenly omitted or the word was
engraved in phonetic spelling); it means succeed
or be happy, with prophylactic intention (see also
inscriptions Nos. 4, 33, 38, 87, 95, 101, 106,
129, 146).
Line 2: σύ, Δώδμη.- If the reading is correct,
however, the name (in the vocative) is unfamiliar.
Inscription No. 93 (Fig. 33)
The inscription is enclosed in a tabula ansata
(22 × 35 cm) and consists of five lines. The script
is regular and rather monumental; the letters were
meticulously engraved.The Ε is oval/round and the
letters Ϲ and ω are square. It is one of the finest
and most preserved inscriptions.
1. Mνησθῇ (ivy leaf)
2. Γερμανὸς
3. στρατιώτης τὰ τέκνα
4. καὶ ἡ σύνβιος
5. αὐτοῦ Ϲωσιπάτρα

Remembered be (ivy leaf)
Germanos
the soldier, his children
and his wife
Sosipatra.170

Line 1: Mνησθῇ.- Is the word erroneously
engraved in the singular instead of the plural, or
perhaps the singular form is in accordance with
the first, senior or most important name?
Line 2: Γερμανός.- A Greek transliteration of a
typical masculine Latin name, in the nominative;171
it was very common in Syria, Palaestina, Transjordan and Egypt in the Roman period (1st-3rd
centuries CE).172 The name also prevailed in Attica
(Athens), Central Greece (Thessaly), Macedonia,
Scythia Minor, Skythia, Thrace and Coastal Asia
Minor between the 1st and 3rd centuries CE;173 it
was also frequent in the early Byzantine period.174
This name was also in use among Jews.175
Lines 3-4: στρατιώτης τὰ τέκνα καὶ ἡ σύνβιος.According to the inscription Germanos was a soldier, married with children, and possibly served in
one of the Roman legions in Palaestina. Following
his marital and paternal status, we may assume that
he was not a young soldier, but rather a veteran.The
words τὰ τέκνα were engraved separately, each one
within the ansa (handle) of the tabula.176 It would
seem that Germanos and the engraver added the
words after completion of the engraving of the
inscription, when there was no room left within
the frame. It may be assumed that the engraver

Asher Ovadiah and Rosario Pierri

Fig. 34. Inscription No. 95.

had mistaken or forgotten to include τὰ τέκνα
within the frame and he added these two words
later, when he discovered his error. Ϲύνβιος, in the
nominative, for σύ<μ>βιος.
Line 5: Ϲωσιπάτρα.- A feminine Greek name in
the nominative, appearing in the Aegean islands
(Rhodes and Kos in the 3rd and 1st centuries
BCE respectively),177 Attica (Athens – Hellenistic
and Roman periods),178 the Peloponnese, Western
Greece and Magna Graecia (Hellenistic and Roman periods),179 Central Greece (Thessaly – from
the 4th century BCE up to the 2nd century CE),180
Macedonia and Thrace181 and Coastal Asia Minor
(Mysia: Pergamon and Ionia: Ephesos – Hellenistic
and Roman periods);182 its masculine counterpart
is Cωσίπατρος.183
Inscription No. 95 (Fig. 34)
The inscription is enclosed in a rectangular
frame (length – 20 cm) and consists of one line.
The script is regular, the Ε is square and the right
diagonal line of the Α is extended upwards calligraphically.
Εὐτύχ(ε)ι Ἄντι

Succeed or be happy Anti.

Εὐτύχ(ε)ι.- See inscriptions Nos. 4, 33, 38, 86,
87, 101, 106, 129, 146. Ἄντι.-184 A rare masculine
Greek name in the vocative. It appears in Thasos
(4th century BCE) and Crete (2nd century BCE),185
as well as in Lydia (first quarter of the 2nd century
CE).186 It should be noted that Ἀντι is the prefix
of many Greek names, as for example Ἀντιάναξ,
Ἀντίβιος, Ἀντιγένης, Ἀντιγόνη, Ἀντίγονος, Ἀντίοχος,
Ἀντίπατρος, etc.

Inscription No. 96 (Fig. 35)
The inscription (14 × 26 cm) consists of three
lines. The script is regular and the letters Ε, Θ, Ο,
Ρ, Ϲ and ω are oval/round.
Remembered be
1. Μνησθῇ
2. Πτολεμα[ῖος] Ptolema[ios]
3. [Θε]όδωρος (and) (The)odoros.
Line 2: Πτολεμα[ῖος].- A very common masculine
Greek name in the nominative, prevailing in the
Greek and Roman worlds (4th century BCE-3rd century CE).187 The name was also in use among Jews.188
Line 3: [Θε]όδωρος.- See above inscription
No. 37.

Elijah’s Cave on Mount Carmel and its Inscriptions

Fig. 35. Inscription No. 96.

Inscription No. 103 (Fig. 36)
The inscription is enclosed in a tabula ansata (10
× 19 cm) and consists of four lines. The script is
regular and the letters Ε, Θ, Ο and Ϲ are oval/round.
1. Μνησθῇ Ζεῦξις
2. μετὰ αἴθ’α[ὐ]τοῦ
3. καὶ Πούπ[λιο]ς
4. (καὶ) Λούκιος [….]

Remembered be Zeuxis
with him, oh(!),
also Poup[lio]s.
(and) Loukios [….].

Line 1: Μνησθῇ Ζεῦξις.- The letter Ϲ in μνησθῇ
is smaller than the other letters of the word and is
engraved above the letters Η and Θ. The engraver had
probably forgotten to engrave this letter and added
it later in a smaller size. Ζεῦξις is a masculine Greek
name in the nominative, frequent in the Greek world
in Antiquity (since the 5th century BCE and onwards)
and also appears in the Roman period.189 The name
also features among Jews, but it is accented as Ζευξίς.190
Line 2: μετὰ αἴθ’α[ὐ]τοῦ.- This linguistic idiom
is enigmatic, but presumably the word αἴθε substitutes εἴθε,191 an exclamation – oh(!).
Line 3-4: Πούπ[λιο]ς (καὶ) Λούκιος [….].- For
these names, see also inscriptions Nos. 36 and 1,
69A, 70 respectively.

Inscription No. 108 (Fig. 37)
The inscription (50 × 57 cm) consists of four
lines. The script is regular and its letters are large;
the form of Ε, Ρ, Ϲ and ω is round.
1. Χαρῇ Happy be
2. Ϲηω- Seo nas and
3. νᾶς κὲ
4. Δαμᾶς Damas.192
Line 1: Χαρῇ.- This formula, engraved at the
head of the present inscription, is exceptional and
to the best of our knowledge does not exist elsewhere in Greek epigraphy. Interestingly, χαρῇ was
also reused for inscription No. 109 (not included
in the present article), by engraving it horizontally
after the formula. Thus, it may be assumed that
inscription No. 109, engraved by another hand, is
of a later stage than that of No. 108, and the formula served both inscriptions simultaneously. The
formula also appears in inscriptions Nos. 94, 102A.
Lines 2-3: Ϲηωνᾶς κέ.- This appears to be
the nominative case of an unfamiliar masculine
name,193 like Ἀσκληπᾶς, Δημητρᾶς, Νανᾶς / Ναννᾶς
or Νανάς, etc; κέ appears instead of κ<αί> (= and),

Asher Ovadiah and Rosario Pierri

Fig. 36. Inscription No. 103.

Fig. 37. Inscription No. 108.

Elijah’s Cave on Mount Carmel and its Inscriptions

either a common mistake or phonetic spelling in
Greek inscriptions, especially in the Roman and
early Byzantine periods (see also inscriptions Nos.
21, 24, 37, 92, 94, 113, 140, 149).
Line 4: Δάμας or Δαμᾶς.- A masculine Greek
name in the nominative, found frequently in
The Aegean islands from the 4th century BCE
up to the 2nd century CE;194 Attica (Athens)
from the Archaic up to the Roman period;195 the
Peloponnese, Western Greece, Sicily and Magna
Graecia from the 7th century BCE up to the Roman Imperial period;196 Central Greece (Boiotia,
Western Lokris, Phokis and Thessaly);197 Macedonia, Thrace and the Northern Regions of the
Black Sea from the 2nd century BCE-3rd century
CE,198 as well as in Coastal Asia Minor (Pontos to
Ionia)199 in the Hellenistic and Roman periods.
The name also appears, in the genitive (Δάματος
or Δαμᾶτος), in a Greek inscription dated to 117118 CE from the Roman Temple of Baalshamin
at Kedesh in the Upper Galilee.200 Δάμας is also
found among Jews.201
Inscription No. 129 (Fig. 39)
The inscription is enclosed in a tabula ansata
(27 × 43 cm) and consists of three lines. The inscription was meticulously engraved by a skilled
engraver, the script is monumental and the letters
Ε and C are round.
1. Εὐτύχ(ε)ι
2. Ἄντυ καὶ
3. σὺ, Μάγνα

Succeed or be happy
Anty and
you, Magna.202

Line 1: Εὐτύχ(ε)ι. – See also inscriptions Nos. 4,
33, 38, 86, 87, 95, 101, 106, 146.
Line 2: Ἄντυ.- A rare masculine Greek name,
probably in the vocative. It appears in four 5thcentury CE epitaphs, found in early Byzantine
Zoora (Ghor es-Safî) Palaestina Tertia.203 The name is
also rare in Greek inscriptions from Syria.204
Line 3: Μάγνα.- A Greek transliteration of a
feminine Latin name, in the vocative case, parallel to Μαξίμα.205 It is equivalent to the masculine
Latin name Μάγνος (Magnus),206 both of which
were frequent personal names in Egypt in Antiquity. Μάγνα appears in Coastal Asia Minor (Pontos
to Ionia) from the 1st century BCE up to the 3rd

century CE.207 The name is encountered once in the
Greek inscriptions at the Jewish cemetery in Beth
She‘arim (2nd-3rd century CE), as a personal name
of a Jewess;208 it is also found in inscriptions of
the Late Roman period from Hauran,209 but rarely
appears in other regions of Syria.210
Inscription No. 137A (Fig. 40)
The inscription is enclosed in a tabula ansata (22
× 27-32 cm) and consists of two lines. The script
is regular and the form of the letters Θ, Ο and Ϲ is
square. Two ligatures can be observed: the letters
Ν and Η in ΜΝΗϹΘΗ, and Ο and C in ΜΥΝΔΟϹ,
are joined together.
1. Μνησθῇ
2. Μύνδος

Remembered be
Myndos.

Line 2: Μύνδος.- A very rare masculine Greek
name in the nominative. It has been found only
once elsewhere, in an inscription of uncertain
date from Thasos(?). 211 The name Μύνδιος ,
found in an inscription from the Aegean island
of Astypalaia (Hellenistic age or Roman Imperial period)212 and in Coastal Asia Minor (Ionia:
Ephesos – 1st century CE),213 closely resembles
the name Μύνδος.
Inscription No. 146 (Fig. 41)
The inscription is enclosed in a tabula ansata (12
× 20 cm) and consists of two lines. The script is
regular and the letter Ε is oval/round.
1. [Ε]ὐτ[ύχ(ε)ι]
2. [Π]έτ[ρε]

[Su]ccee[d] or be happy
Pet[ros].

Line 1: [Ε]ὐτ[ύχ(ε)ι]. – See also inscriptions Nos.
4, 33, 38, 86, 87, 95, 101, 106, 129.
Line 2: [Π]έτ[ρε].- If the completion is correct, this masculine Greek name in the vocative
prevailed in various geographical regions in the
Roman and early Byzantine periods.214 Πέτρος,
derived from the Greek word πέτρα (stone), is a
translation of the Aramaic Κηφᾶς (John 1:43).215
Due to its allusion to the Apostle Peter, it became
a favoured and popular name in Christian Palaestina and Arabia.216 The name was also in use
among Jews.217

Asher Ovadiah and Rosario Pierri

Fig. 38. Diagram recording the location of the inscriptions on the east wall of the Cave.

E. Epilogue
Scholars who dealt with the Greek inscriptions
in Elijah’s Cave dated them from the first centuries
of the Common Era to the 6th century CE. Due to
the absence of solid evidence, the task of dating
the inscriptions more precisely is difficult. Scholz
attributed the earliest inscriptions to the first centuries CE;218 Marie-Joseph dated them to the 3rd and
4th centuries CE;219 Germer-Durand established a
flexible dating between the 4th and 6th centuries
CE;220 Leclercq221 and the Professors of Notre-Dame
de France in Jerusalem222 considered that the earliest inscriptions in the Cave may be dated to the
4th century CE, with a terminus ante quem of the 6th
century CE; Kopp writes that the inscriptions of
the pilgrims are of various centuries of the Common Era (very obscure! – A.O.), but that the Greek
inscriptions are the earliest and raise interest.223
A careful re-appraisal of most of the Greek inscriptions in question and some of those that are
not included in this work raises the possibility that
they can be attributed to the 1st-3rd centuries CE.224
The re-appraisal can be based on the onomasticon; the
content of the inscriptions and their linguistic idioms
(this is especially conspicuous in inscriptions Nos. 18
and 103); the shape of the letters (oval, round and
square);225 the decorative motifs carved around the
apsidal niche (the dentils, vessels and scale motif); the
reliefs of the presumed cult statue of Ba‘al Carmel and
the figure of the priest within the aedicula; the literary
sources and historical evidence when the Cave functioned as a pagan cultic place, possibly a shrine, to Ba‘al
Carmel in Antiquity and Late Antiquity (see above, B.).
It is not inconceivable that the monumental
statue, dated to the end of the 2nd century CE or
perhaps to the beginning of the 3rd, of which only
the marble foot survives in the Stella Maris Carmelite
monastery collection,226 once stood outside, in front
of the Cave, because of its exceptional size. It may
be that a smaller statue of the same god was placed
in the niche inside the Cave for ritual and oracular
purposes, in Tacitus’ time (d. 120 CE),227 and continued its existence at the time of the above-mentioned
colossal statue.This is consistent with the dating of a
considerable part of the Greek inscriptions and the
decorative motifs carved around the apsidal niche.
In any event, a correlation can be found between

Elijah’s Cave on Mount Carmel and its Inscriptions

Fig. 39. Inscription No. 129.

the literary sources, the archaeological/sculptural
evidence and the epigraphic material in the Cave.
Some scholars have claimed, albeit without any
evidence, that the Cave was originally a shrine of
Adonis, the god of fecundity and spring revival.228
When the Cave ceased to be used for pagan worship of Ba‘al Carmel and as the site of his oracle,
it continued to be regarded as a holy site and was
dedicated to the Prophet Elijah and his commemoration, presumably in the early Byzantine period.
Following the tradition linking Elijah (el-Khader)
with Mount Carmel, it became sacred to the Prophet
and was used by supplicants to Elijah for aid, healing and salvation, a tradition that still persists to this
day. This resulted in the custom of pilgrimages to
the Cave in his honour. Hebrew inscriptions and the
two seven-branched menorahs engraved on the east
wall show that, from the early Byzantine period,
Jews too regarded the Cave as sacred to Elijah and
visited it to ask for help and salvation. The custom
was also practiced by Christians, as is clearly evident
from two crosses – one on the west wall and the
other on the north wall (see above, D.).

Over the course of time, the Cave began to be regarded as a holy place also by Muslims and Druze, who
continue to visit it to this day (although it contains no
Arabic inscriptions). We cannot tell when the custom
was adopted by the latter two faiths, but we do know
that the Cave was under the patronage of the Muslim
Waqf for about 250 years, at least from the year 1635.
In that year, according to the records of several travellers and pilgrims, the Cave was under the protection
of Muslim monks who had turned it into a mosque
and place of study, and called it el-Khader (literally
“the Green One”), after the Muslim name for Elijah.
Elijah’s Cave and the buildings surrounding it belonged
to the Elhaj Ibrahim family, Muslim Arabs. From about
1867, the family began to build rooms adjacent to the
Cave’s entrance to accommodate visitors and pilgrims.
In recent generations, Jews have set aside a
certain day on which to visit Elijah’s Cave: the first
Sunday following the Sabbath of Consolation in the
Hebrew month of ’Av, when it is now the custom
to pray in the Cave and spend time there.
Asher Ovadiah and Rosario Pierri

Asher Ovadiah and Rosario Pierri

Fig. 40. Inscription No. 137A.

Fig. 41. Inscription No. 146.

Elijah’s Cave on Mount Carmel and its Inscriptions

Notes
1. The task of cleaning, revealing and deciphering the inscriptions in Elijah’s Cave was made possible thanks to
the aid of various institutions and people who assisted
in the work. The former Israel Department of Antiquities
and Museums (now the IAA) and the Association of Archaeological Survey in Israel, which initiated the project
and assisted in the difficult task. I am grateful to the late
Prof. Avraham Biran, head of the former Israel Department of Antiquities and Museums, who entrusted me
with this important undertaking. I am deeply indebted to
Mr. Raphael Floresheim, surveyor for the Archaeological
Survey of Israel Association, who spent many long and
tedious hours with me in the heat of the cave, preparing
its plan and section, as well as the precise detailed diagrams
recording the location of the inscriptions on the walls of
the Cave and numbering them consecutively. I would also
like to thank Mr. Micha Pan, Jerusalem, who photographed
the inscriptions published here. I am grateful too to the
late Mr. Ya’akov Olami, Haifa, engineer and head of the
northern branch of the Archaeological Survey and to the
late Dr. Moshe Prausnitz, archaeologist for the coastal
district in the former Israel Department of Antiquities
and Museums, who assisted me during all the stages of
work in the Cave. My sincere thanks also to the late Fr.
Elias Friedman of the Stella Maris Carmelite Monastery
on Mount Carmel, Haifa, with whom, while collecting
and preparing the material for publication, I exchanged
ideas in fruitful talks and in extensive correspondence.
I wish to convey my thanks for their kind assistance to
Mrs. Rimma Tulenkov and Mr. Leonid Rankov, librarians
of the Rockefeller Museum in Jerusalem, where I spent
a long period of time using the rich collection of its
library. My gratitude to Ms. Naomi Paz for her linguistic
editing. Finally, I want to express my appreciation for the
considerable help given me by Ruth, my wife, who stood
by me during the long, difficult and tiring field work in
the Cave’s average temperature of 40 degrees centigrade.
2. Press 1952: s.vv. “Carmel,” “The Carmel,” “Mount Carmel,”
507-508.
3. R. Amiran and Y. Landau (see the archives of the Department of Antiquities and Museums [now the IAA]).
4. See the archives of The Archaeological Survey of Israel,
IAA.
5. See Ovadiah 1966: 284-285; Ovadiah 1969: 99-101.
6. Guérin (1875, II: 273) and Meistermann (1923: 435)
also held the view that the Cave was primarily natural:
“Si elle était d’abord naturelle, elle a été ensuite agrandie
et régularisée par la main de l’homme;” “An artificial
regularity has been given to its shape, and its walls are
covered with a coating upon which innumerable pilgrims
– Greek, Latin, Arabian, etc. – have cut their names and
invocations” (Guérin and Meistermann respectively).This
is contrary to the opinion that the Cave is an artificial one
(see Friedman 1979: 139, 145).
7. Trial archaeological excavations were conducted inside
Elijah’s Cave as part of its conservation and the development of the surrounding area by Haifa Municipality, the
Ministry of Tourism and the Ministry of Religious Affairs.
The excavation was led by A. Zemer and A. Ziegelman in

January 1983 (License No. 1193). During the excavation,
a 50 cm-deep fill was revealed under the modern floor
level that contained a mixture of pottery finds dating
from the Middle Bronze Age to the late Islamic period,
as well as a coin from the 4th century CE (my thanks to
A. Zemer, who was kind enough to give me this valuable
information in writing and in person). On removing the
fill, the excavators exposed the cave’s natural rock floor,
which can still be seen today along the walls.
8. Cf. Friedman 1979: 140.
9. Cf. Friedman 1979: 142.
10. The “tables” may represent the altar set up by the prophet
Elijah on Mount Carmel, according to tradition, in his
battle against the prophets of Ba‘al.
11. For the opinion that the niche has two stages of carving, a)
the original rectangular recess, perfectly regular in shape,
to house a cult statue (idol), and b) the superimposed
niche, far from being regularly prepared, to be used as a
mihrab, see Friedman 1979: 142.
12. See the two points shown beneath the border, on the sides
of cups, depicted on two coins from the First Revolt (6670 CE) (Meshorer 1966: 113, Pl. XIX [148-150]).
13. Cf. Ovadiah 1980: 154-157.
14. Cf. Ovadiah 1980: 154.
15. Cf. Ovadiah 1980: 154.
16. Cf. Ovadiah and Ovadiah 1987: 206 (J3 – Imbrication
[Scale Pattern]).
17. Robertson 1969: 47-48, 159, 383; MacDonald 1986: Ills.
80, 97, 135, 153, 159, 195, 196 (on pp. 85, 98, 150,
169, 186, 240, 242).
18. See the rock-hewn niches topped with conches at Paneas/
Banias, flanked by false pillars giving them the appearance
of a temple façade (aedicula) (Ovadiah and Turnheim 2011:
Pls. IIIa, IVb, V).
19. At Gebal/Byblos there is a cave with a similar niche flanked
with side pillars, with cornices in its upper part and a
conch (see Renan 1864: 204, Pl. XXVIII).
20. Cf. Kopp 1929: 35-36; Friedman 1979: 140-142.
21. Joshua 19:26; see also Septuagint, Joshua 19:26 (τῷ
Καρμήλῳ κατὰ θάλασσαν).
22. See 1 Kings 18:15-40; Ap-Thomas 1960: 146-155;
see also the wall paintings of the 3rd century CE in the
synagogue at Dura-Europos, based on Biblical, Midrashic
(Jewish legends) and Christian (Fathers of the Church)
sources (Sukenik 1947: 138-142, Figs. 50-51; Kraeling
1956: 137-143, Pls. LXI-LXII).
23. Iamblichus, De Vita 3.14; see also Clark 1989: 6-7.
24. Scylax of Caryanda or Pseudo-Scylax, by order of Darius
I, is said to have sailed down the Indus to its mouth, and
thence, in a voyage of thirty months, to have reached the
Isthmus of Suez.Though the voyage has been doubted, the
book that he wrote is quoted by various ancient authors.
The Periplus that bears his name was written in the 4th
century BCE (see OCD: s.v. “Scylax,” 968).
25. Scylax (or Pseudo-Scylax), Periplus #87 (Peretti, p. 529).
26. Josephus, War III.iii.1.
27. Eusebius, Onomasticon 118. 8-9.
28. See above, n. 23. In the annals of Shalmaneser III, king
of Assyria, referring to his invasion to Eretz Israel in 841

Asher Ovadiah and Rosario Pierri
BCE, the western edge of Mt. Carmel, where Elijah’s Cave
is located, is mentioned as Ba‘al-Rosh (Mount Ba‘alira’asi,
which is a cape [jutting out into] the sea before the land of Tyre) (see
Aharoni 1965: 56-62; Kirk Grayson 1996: 54). It seems
that in the Biblical period Mt. Carmel was the border
between Israel and Phoenicia, but it is unclear to which
region the mountain belonged. I thank Prof. Israel Eph‘al
of the Hebrew University, Jerusalem, who called my attention to this issue.
29. See below, nn. 30-33.
30. Renan (1864: 204, Pl. XXVIII) writes: “Climbing a ravine, one finds one of the most curious remains of old
Byblos. It is a structured grotto, very fine, forming a hall,
surrounded by a kind of a bench cut out of the rock. The
bottom extends like a cavern. This grotto was probably
used for religious reunions. It is called ‘Ma‘arat Sahen.’
The remains of stalls are seen near the entrance. The external opening was once capped by a crown of plaster,
which has been thrown into the bottom of the ravine.
In the middle of the eastern wall a niche was opened in
the form of a shell, analogous to the niches one sees at
Baalbek, at Banias and so forth.” The general resemblance
between the cave in Gebal/Byblos and Elijah’s Cave (the
impressive size of the hall, the benches along its walls,
the niche with the conch atop, similar to those in Baalbek
and Paneas/Banias, for the cult statue of the god, and the
geopolitical connection to the Syro-Phoenician region),
strengthens the pagan character of the latter during the
Hellenistic and Roman periods and its role as a cultic
place or shrine.
31. Renan 1871: 517-519, Pl. LXV: a description of ancient
caves in the vicinity of Sidon, in some of which was practiced the cult of Astarte. Over the course of time, these
caves were converted into Christian chapels or were used
for other purposes.
32. Renan 1871: 647-648, 653-654, 753-754: a description
of ancient caves in the neighbourhood of Tyre. These caves
were dedicated to Astarte and were most probably in use
also from the Hellenistic period and onwards. Renan (p.
653) described the ancient caves in the surroundings of
Tyre, probably for sacred prostitution, as follows: “En general, ces caverns à prostitution (cf. l’aventure de Quartilla
dans Pétrone) (reste d’un primitive état de promiscuité,
où l’homme, comme l’animal, cherchait les caverns pour
l’accouplement) sont signalées par une fenêtre grossière
à côté de l’entrée (prevue que la porte se fermait), par
des sieges on des echelons à l’intérieur et par les signes
V on O à l’entrée. Dans la caverne de Gébeil et dans celle
don’t nous parlons en ce moment, il y a une niche pour
la statue de la déesse.”
33. Renan 1871: 753-754.
34. Kopp 1929: 76.
35. Augustinović 1972: 29-32.
36. Tacitus, Historiae II.lxxviii.
37. Tacitus, Historiae II.lxxviii.
38. Avi-Yonah (1952: 119) considered that the passage by
Tacitus proves that the colossal statue of Ba‘al/Zeus/Jupiter
of the Carmel, of which only a small fragment still exists,
was erected after the time Tacitus wrote the Historiae, and
thus he provides us with a useful terminus a quo.
39. Suetonius, VIII.v.6 (Vespasian).
40. Iamblichus, De Vita 3.15.

41. Orosius, VII.9 (transl. Deferrari 1981: 301); see also
Baudissin 1911: 234-235 and n. 6.
42. Weinreich 1912: 34.
43. Weinreich 1912: 30.
44. Ovadiah and Mucznik 2009: passim.
45. See Friedman 1979: 147.
46. Avi-Yonah 1952: 118; see also Galling 1953: 110-121;
Eissfeldt 1954: 7-25; Ap-Thomas 1960: 146.
47. Cook 1964: 117.
48. See above, nn. 45-46.
49. Avi-Yonah 1952: 120.
50. Avi-Yonah 1952: 120. It should be noted that Avi-Yonah
could not have been aware of this point, since at the time
he wrote and published his article (in 1952), the Cave
had not yet been investigated systematically.
51. Since the Christian historian Orosius (5th century CE) is
the last of the ancient writers to mention the oracle on
Mount Carmel, this may indicate that the Cave was still
being used for pagan cults and rites at that time (see above,
n. 41).
52. Cook 1964: 163-186; see also Avi-Yonah 1952: 120.
53. When the Cave was converted into a mosque in the 17th
century (1635), the niche was modified to a mihrab, since
it faces south-southwest, generally to Mecca and Medina.
See Philip of the Most Holy Trinity 1649: 119-120; Guérin
1875, II: 272; Wilson 1880: 99; SWP I: 284-285; Albert
du Saint-Sauveur 1897: 139-144; Meistermann 1923:
435; Friedman 1979: 82, 136, 142-143; Giordano 1994:
92-105.
54. Similar to the sacred complex at Tell er-Ras on Mount
Gerizim (see Ovadiah and Turnheim 2007: 21-35; Ovadiah and Turnheim 2011: 75-80).
55. For a general description of Mount Carmel (with historical sources and bibliography), see Heidet 1926: esp. cols.
298-299 for Elijah’s Cave; see also Leclercq 1925: col.
1496.
56. Itinerarium Burdigalense 585.1.
57. Koikylides and Phokylides 1912: 341 (#95: Life and
Itinerary of the Russian Hegoumenos Daniel, 1106-1107).
58. See Friedman 1979: 151; Prawer 1988: 253, n. 3.
59. Adler n.d.: 21 (#31).
60. Koikylides and Phokylides 1912: 461 (#31).
61. Most probably, an early Byzantine monastery was erected
beside the cave.
62. See above, n. 60.
63. See also below, n. 99.
64. Laurent 1857: 21 (ch. VIII,13-14).
65. Asaf 1928: 54 (lines 17-18 in the manuscript); see also
Prawer 1988: 235-236.
66. Burchard, Descriptio Terrae Sanctae; transl. Stewart 1896: 94.
67. Graziano 1955: 384-386.
68. Quaresmius 1639: 67.
69. Philip of the Most Holy Trinity 1649: 119-120.
70. See Albert du Saint-Sauveur 1897: 139-144; see also Friedman 1979: 82, 136, 142-143; Giordano 1994: 92-105.
71. Doubdan 1657: 521-522; Ish-Shalom 1979: 345 and
nn. 2-3.
72. Morison 1704: 567; see also Ish-Shalom 1979: 383.
73. See van Egmont and Heyman 1759: 7-8; see also IshShalom 1979: 385-386.
74. See above, n. 71.
75. See above, n. 72.

Elijah’s Cave on Mount Carmel and its Inscriptions

76. 1 Kings 18:31.
77. Ish-Shalom 1979: 393.
78. Pococke 1745: 56 (= Pococke 1754: 83); Ish-Shalom
1979: 397 and n. 7.
79. Ish-Shalom 1979: 140-141.
80. Mann 1936: 93-94.
81. Giambattista di S. Alessio 1780: 375-382.
82. It is unclear whether these were only among the inhabitants of the city, or among those people who came from
other places (see Ish-Shalom 1979: 194).
83. Turner 1820: 118; Ish-Shalom 1979: 411 and nn. 8-9.
84. Buckingham 1821: 120-121.
85. See Buckingham 1821: 120; see also Friedman 1979:
139-140.
86. Guérin 1875, II: 272-273.
87. See above, nn. 69-70.
88. Scholz 1822: 150-153.
89. Carne 1838: 47-49 (Ill. of the Cave facing p. 47).
90. Wilson 1880: 85 (engraving), 99 (text).
91. See Renan 1871: 753-754.
92. Guérin 1875, II: 272-273.
93. SWP I: 284-285.
94. Einsler 1894: 68-69.
95. Germer-Durand 1898: 272-273.
96. Von Mülinen 1908: 5ff.
97. N.-D. de France 1922: 476-478.This group of professors
describes the Cave and mentions the many inscriptions,
most of them in Greek, engraved on the walls by visitors
and pilgrims.
98. Meistermann 1923: 432-435.
99. Kopp 1929: 33-36, 40-49, 68-83, Figs. 1-3. According to Kopp (1929: 34, 68-74), the niche in the south
wall of the Cave became a mihrab, as a prayer niche for
the Muslims, since it faces Mecca and Medina and the
site was actually used for Muslim prayer and rituals,
namely serving as a mosque (A.O.). In addition, he
contends that the identification of the Prophet Elijah
with el-Khader locates the latter on Mount Carmel,
where members of the different faiths, Jews, Christians,
Muslims and Druze, used to congregate there on the
prophet’s holy days between the 17th and the 19th of
July. Kopp also mentions the German pilgrim Thietmar,
visited the Holy Land in 1217, who points out a festival
celebrated by Christians and Muslims together in the
area of the Cave at the time of the Crusaders.
100. See Press 1952: 507-508: “On the Carmel was a sycamore tree, which was used for idolatry. At the time of
the Second Temple, the mount was held for a long
time by the Tyrians (Josephus, War III.35). Therefore,
Eusebius considers it the border between Phoenicia and
Eretz Israel. Alexander Jannaeus conquered the Carmel
and restored it to the Jews. Because of its many caves
and crevices, Mount Carmel always provided a refuge
and a haven for the persecuted and for hermits. Settlement on the Carmel and in its ravines over the ages is
testified to by the many ruins, the remains of buildings,
broken columns and sculptures, caves, winepresses,
cisterns and mosaic fragments. In ancient times, Christian monks settled in the caves and the rocky crevices
on the mount. In 355 CE, Basilius (Basil of Caesarea in
Cappadocia) visited them and amended the guidelines
of their monastic life, … Jews and Muslims regard

Elijah’s Cave as sacred (in Arabic, el-Khatsar), on the
steep mountain-slope, facing the Haifa neighborhood
of Bat-Galim on the sea front. The people of Haifa go
up to the cave on set days (Jews go in great numbers on
the Sunday after the Sabbath of Consolation) and spend
time praying in the cave or in the adjoining buildings. A
lot of people believe the cave has special powers to cure
different illnesses, in particular putting the mentally ill
there, shutting them up in the cave.”
101. See Vilnay 1936: 35-36 (“Rabbi Menachem of Hebron,
whose words are not reliable, writes in 1215: ‘And I
went from Jaffa to Caesarea … and facing the sea is
Mount Carmel – I went up Mount Carmel and saw a
pool and drank from its water, and I went into Elijah’s
Cave, and I saw a gutter made by the Prophet Elijah,
and I went out and ascended to the top of the mount
…’ ”); 45 (map of Haifa and the Carmel from 1663
on which Elijah’s Cave is marked); 50-51 (“A pupil of
the famous Kabbalist Rabbi Haim ben Attar visited the
cave [together with the Rabbi] in 1742 and he writes
to his father: ‘… There [on Mount Carmel. – A.O.] is
a house and inside a large and high cave … all hewn
in the mount, of one rock … and this is the Cave of
Elijah, blessed be his memory … and inside the cave is
a small cave, also hewn in the mount, in the one rock,
and they say that this is the place of Elijah, blessed be his
memory. And there is not a single fly to be seen in that
same cave, not one. And how great is its sanctity … and
in front of the cave there is a small cistern that is fed by
rainwater. During the summer no water can be seen in
it, it is dry, and we ask: O Lord Elijah, give us water, and
the next day it was full of water, and there were several
other miracles’. From this same letter, we learn that the
village of Haifa was at the time a small Jewish settlement.
Mount Carmel with Elijah’s Cave and the tomb of his
pupil Elisha, inspired Jews to want to live in the small
village of Haifa, and to enjoy the splendid memory of
these holy places”); 155 (Plate 38: Interior of Prophet
Elijah’s Cave); 156-157 (“Elijah’s Cave, on the slopes
of Mount Carmel, near Haifa, was already famous in
previous generations. Folk tradition holds that Prophet
Elijah stayed in it when he fled from the Kings of Israel,
while he was wandering on Mount Carmel. Medieval
pilgrims mention it and recount different tales about it.
The cave is hewn in the rock in the form of a large hall,
its length reaching 14 m, its width 8 m, and its height
5 m. On its east wall, another, smaller cave is hewn out.
Elijah’s Cave was an important factor in the creation of
a small Jewish community in Haifa in earlier generations. They attributed great importance to the Cave in
curing mental illness. Often, even today, the mentally
ill are brought here from different parts of the country,
and sometimes also from neighbouring countries. The
sick are left in the Cave in the hope that the ‘devil’ will
leave them and they will be cured by the grace of the
Prophet Elijah. Barren women often come there in the
belief that, by the grace of Elijah, the Lord will have
mercy on them and give them offspring. Sometimes,
expectant mothers hoping to have a boy come there in
the belief that the Lord will then fulfil their desire. In
recent generations, the Jews have allocated a special day
to visit Elijah’s cave in the month of ‘Av, on the Sunday

Asher Ovadiah and Rosario Pierri

102.

103.
104.
105.

106.
107.
108.
109.

110.

after the Sabbath of Consolation. They hang parochot
[curtains] on the walls, light candles and pray in the
cave. There are special prayers in honour of this place.
Today, Elijah’s Cave and all the surrounding buildings
belong to Moslem Arabs [the Elhaj Ibrahim family]. In
about 1867, they began to build rooms adjoining the
entrance to the cave, for the benefit of those visiting the
site. The cave is also sacred to the Christians, who call
it the School of the Prophets. In Arabic, it is called elKhader, meaning ‘green’, which is the name for Prophet
Elijah, ‘eternally green,’ according to folk tradition”);
see also Vilnay 1954: 24; Vilnay 1975: cols. 2290-2366
(esp. cols. 2311-2312, 2315, 2317), s.v. “Haifa;”Vilnay
1976: cols. 3881-3887 (esp. cols. 3883, 3885-3886),
s.v. “Carmel (Mount).”
It seems that Elijah’s Cave, mentioned in the fragments
of midrash (legend) and haggadah (saga) in the Schechter
Archives, in its connection with Christ, is that on Mount
Carmel. These fragments (“Jesus’ Deeds”) mention
that Jesus Christ “went and stayed in Elijah’s Cave…,”
probably on Mount Carmel (‫( )טורא דכרמלא‬see Ginzberg
1928: 332, 336).
Augustinović (1972: 30) writes: “Carmel: the grotto
commonly called ‘the School of the Prophets’ or ‘the
Synagogue of Elijah,’ held in great veneration by Jews,
Christians and Moslems. Originally it was, perhaps, a
shrine of Adonis, the god of fecundity and spring revival, but as a shrine of Elijah it was well known at the
time of the Crusades. It is not known whether in the
pre-Crusader Arab period it had been used as a Moslem
shrine: it certainly was after the Islamic reoccupation of
Palestine. Philip of the Most Holy Trinity (1649: 119)
wrote: … dicitur ab incolis Arabice, El Kader, quod est epithetum
S. Eliae, et idem est ac Latine viridis: hoc nomine insignitur, quia in
florenti et viridi persistit aetate, non declinans ad flaccidam senectutem:
habitatur a solitariis Mahometanis… (“On Mount Carmel, in
the church of the Carmelites is the grotto of Elias. In
Carmel, therefore, El Khadr is inseparable from Elijah,
the undisturbed patron of this mountain.”)
Schwabe and Lifshitz 1967.
Klein 1939: 80-88.
See Benoit and Boismard 1951: 200-251. The small
church is hewn out of the rock and the pilgrims
engraved inscriptions on the walls with their names,
together with Christograms, monograms and the name
of the Lord, namely Christ.
These drawings were prepared during Asher Ovadiah’s
work in Elijah’s Cave in the summer and autumn of
1966.
This formula is the most frequent among the inscriptions discussed here and appears eighteen times.
This formula appears four times among the inscriptions
in question.
These formulae appear in the mosaic pavements of
ancient synagogues in Israel (see, for example, Ovadiah
and Ovadiah 1987: 36-37 (No. 31B), 55-56 (No. 73),
59 (No. 78), 72 (No. 103), 75 (No. 108), 101-102
(No. 170), 106-107 (No. 176).
Cf. Ovadiah and Ovadiah 1987: 157 and passim. Similar
menorahs of an earlier period (3rd-4th centuries CE) are
engraved on the walls of the Jewish cemetery in Beth
She‘arim (see Mazar 1957: 156); for a general discus-

111.

112.
113.
114.

115.
116.
117.
118.
119.
120.
121.
122.

123.

124.
125.
126.
127.
128.
129.
130.
131.
132.
133.
134.
135.

sion on the menorah, see Goodenough 1954: 71-98;
Goodenough 1965: 79-83; for the symbolic meaning of
the menorah, see Ovadiah and Mucznik 2001: 299-306.
Christians had developed an extensive symbolism about
this form of the Cross. Its four points were compared
with the four cardinal points of the horizon, a theme
constantly repeated in the Christian literature of the
Church Fathers (see PG 62: cols. 747-754).
Scholz (1822: 152) was the first to copy and publish the
inscription, albeit inaccurately, mistakenly and without
discussion.
See Canova 1954: LXXXIV.
LGPN I: 289; LGPN II: 286; LGPN IIIA: 276; LGPN IIIB:
261; LGPN IV: 212; LGPN VA: 271; for Syria, Moab and
Egypt, see IGLS III/1: Nos. 1890, 2316, 2557d, 2581;
Milne 1905: No. 9242; Prentice 1908: Nos. 392, 394,
432c; IGLS I: Nos. 171, 173, 233; IGLS II: No. 647;
Canova 1954: LXXXIV, 361-362; IGLS IV: No. 1689(?);
IGLS VII: No. 4012.
See Meimaris and Kritikakou-Nikolaropoulou 2008:
104 (with references).
See LJN I: 334; LJN III: 511-514. The name is also engraved in inscriptions Nos. 69A, 70, 103.
See LGPN I: 402 (Lesbos – Hellenistic period); LGPN IV:
305 (Scythia Minor – 3rd century BCE).
See LGPN I: 402; LGPN II: 394-395; LGPN IIIA: 389-390;
LGPN IIIB: 374-375; LGPN IV: 305-306; LGPN VA: 399.
See LJN III: 369.
See LGPN I: 132-133; LGPN II: 116-117; LGPN IIIA: 126;
LGPN IIIB: 116; LGPN IV: 98-99; LGPN VA: 130-132.
See LJN I: 272; LJN III: 243-244.
Scholz (1822: 152) was the first to copy and publish
the inscription, but incompletely and without discussion. For its correct reading, see Germer-Durand 1898:
271-274.
See Lewis and Short 1951: s.v. “Candidus –a –um” (adjective, meaning shining, dazzling or glittering white,
clear, bright), 277; LGPN IIIA: 237 (Sicily: Syracuse –
3rd-5th century CE); see also SEG XXXI: No. 895; LVI:
No. 1076(?).
IGLS III/1: No. 1854c (a feminine Jewish name, adopted
from the Latin onomasticon).
LGPN IV: 185 (Thrace – 2nd-3rd century CE).
IGLSVI: Nos. 2818, 2940, 2946 (Candidus); LGPN IV: 185.
See LJN III: 573.
LGPN I: 316; LGPN II: 315; LGPN IIIA: 302; LGPN IIIB:
287; LGPN IV: 237; LGPN VA: 319.
IGLS V: No. 2228 (Μνασέας); IGLS VII: Nos. 4014, 4028
(line 21), also p. 89 (No. 30).
LGPN II: 315.
LGPN IIIB: 288.
See LJN III: 336.
For Δημητρᾶς, see SEG XXXIII: No. 1204(?); for its
hypocoristic form, cf. SEG XLII: No. 932.
See Cohen 1974: 170-180.
LGPN II: 297; LGPN IIIA: 288; LGPN IIIB: 270; LGPN IV:
221; LGPN VA: 280; cf. also IGLS III/1: Nos. 1901, 1988,
2067; Prentice 1908: Nos. 31, 120, 254, 313, 314,
334, 337, 391, 438; IGLS I: No. 246; IGLS II: Nos. 274,
319, 339, 340, 402, 424, 429(?), 489, 494, 603(?),
608, 678(?), 698; IGLS IV: No. 1282; IGLS V: Nos. 2108,
2236, 2611, 2710.

Elijah’s Cave on Mount Carmel and its Inscriptions

136. See LJN I: 242-244; LJN III: 179-184.
137. Scholz (1822: 152) was the first to copy and publish
the inscription, albeit incompletely, erroneously and
without discussion. For its correct reading, see GermerDurand 1898: 272; Leclercq 1925: s.v. “Graffites,” col.
1496.
138. See Pape and Benseler 1911: s.v. “Ἀέλιος,” 21; Welles
1938: 448 (Nos. 203-204), 464 (No. 263) – Gerasa,
first half of 2nd century CE and 3rd century CE respectively.
139. See Welles 1938: 413 (No. 102), 416 (No. 110) –
Gerasa, 2nd century CE; it also appears in Macedonia,
Skythia and Thrace in the 2nd-3rd centuries CE (see
LGPN IV: 11) and Coastal Asia Minor (Bithynia, Ionia
and Mysia) in the first-third centuries CE (see LGPN
VA: 12).
140. See LJN III: 452; LJN IV: 155.
141. See Ovadiah et alii 1986-1987: 62-63.
142. See LGPN I: 279.
143. See LGPN IIIB: 251.
144. See LGPN IV: 205.
145. See LGPN VA: 261.
146. IGLS III/1: Nos. 1909, 2412p.
147. Meimaris and Kritikakou-Nikolaropoulou 2005: 190191 (No. 96; see esp. p. 191 for examples and references), 315-316 (No. 226). For the appearance of the
name among Jews, see also LJN III: 321.
148. See Liddell et alii 1973: s.v. “ἐάω,” 466.
149. See Liddell et alii 1973: s.v. “μιαίνω,” 1132.
150. Cf. Liddell et alii 1973: s.v. “λιαίνω,” 1046; s.v. “χλιαίνω,”
1994 (of persons affected by fever).
151. IGLS III/1: Nos. 1833, 1913, 1984b, 1989, 1999, 2072,
2143, 2144, 2168, 2189, 2192, 2218, 2232, 2302,
2382, 2383, 2445, 2547, 2592, 2610, 2687; Milne
1905: passim; Prentice 1908: Nos. 26, 64, 87, 274, 282,
382, 386, 387, 395; Littmann et alii 1921: Nos. 115,
156, 157, 281, 282, 311, 484, 560, 656, 661, 765,
787, 788; Prentice 1922: Nos. 1043, 1092, 1115; IGLS
I: No. 235; IGLS II: Nos. 257, 279, 503(?), 519, 556,
616, 685(?); IGLS IIIA: Nos. 730, 840, 892, 893; IGLS
IIIB: No. 1034; IGLS IV: Nos. 1257(?), 1528, 1558; IGLS
V: Nos. 2213, 2214, 2302, 2306, 2307, 2308, 2309,
2334, 2610; IGLS VII: No. 4011(?); LGPN I: 24-25 (the
Aegean islands, Cyprus and Cyrenaica); LGPN II: 18-20
(Attica); LGPN IIIA: 23-25 (the Peloponnese, Western
Greece, Sicily and Magna Graecia); LGPN IIIB: 21-22
(Central Greece from the Megarid to Thessaly); LGPN
IV: 14-17; LGPN VA: 16-20 (Coastal Asia Minor: Pontos
to Ionia).
152. See LJN I: 258; LJN III: 203-208.
153. IGLS III/1: No. 2339; Prentice 1908: No. 413a (on p.
321); LGPN IIIA: 373 (Peloponnese – Korinthia: Korinth, 2nd century CE); LGPN IV: 289 (Macedonia and
Thrace – 1st-3rd centuries CE); LGPN VA: 378 (Lydia
and Mysia – late Hellenistic and Roman periods); see
also s.v. “Πούβλιος,” in LGPN VA: 378.
154. LGPN I: 382 (the Aegean islands, Cyprus and Cyrenaica,
in the Hellenistic and Roman periods); LGPN VA: 374375 (Coastal Asia Minor, especially in the Roman period
– 1st-3rd centuries CE).
155. See Lifshitz 1967: 23-24 (No. 16); see also LJN IV: 159.
156. IGLS III/1: Nos. 2093, 2127, 2160a, 2323, 2412a, 2467,

157.
158.

159.
160.

161.

162.
163.

164.

2499, 2522, 2568e; Milne 1905: 16-17 (No. 9290),
25-27 (No. 9296), 35-37 (No. 9283); Prentice 1908:
Nos. 383, 435; Littmann et alii 1921: Nos. 43, 109, 589,
669, 796, 803; Prentice 1922: Nos. 867, 926, 1202;
IGLS I: Nos. 211, 270, 323, 332, 653, 696, 906, 919,
1078; IGLS IIIB: No. 1078; IGLS IV: Nos. 1246, 1319,
1334, 1339, 1675bis, 1750, 1781, 1809, 1860(?);
IGLS V: No. 2155; IGLS VI: Nos. 2980, 2982(?); IGLS
VII: No. 4037; LGPN I: 214-215 (the Aegean islands,
Cyprus and Cyrenaica – since the end of the 5th century
BCE); LGPN II: 215-217 (Attica – since the end of the
6th century BCE up to the 2nd century CE); LGPN IIIA:
202-203 (the Peloponnese, Western Greece, Sicily and
Magna Graecia – from the 6th century BCE up to the
Roman Imperial period); LGPN IIIB: 190-191 (Central
Greece – from the 6th century BCE up to the Roman
Imperial period); LGPN IV: 164-165 (Macedonia,Thrace
and Northern Regions of the Black Sea – from the 5th
century BCE up to the 6th century CE); LGPN VA: 213214 (Coastal Asia Minor – from the Archaic up to the
early Byzantine periods).
Kajanto 1963: 103.
See Welles 1938: Nos. 94, 95, 150, 154, 306, 315,
316, 317, 336; Canova 1954: LXXXIII, 57, 59, 86, 103,
104, 107, 136, 236, 239, 246, 278, 338, 360, 374,
384; Meimaris and Kritikakou-Nikolaropoulou 2005:
206-208 (No. 112), 268-269 (No. 173), 273-274 (No.
179), 297 (No. 206), 322-323 (No. 233), 347-349
(No. 260), 350-351 (No. 262), 364-365 (No. 281);
Meimaris and Kritikakou-Nikolaropoulou 2008: 141142 (No. 65), 160-161 (No. 80); see also Negev 1977:
Nos. 45, 101, 104 (for Wadi Haggag, Sinai); Gregg and
Urman 1996: Nos. 128, 138 (for the Golan Heights).
See LJN I: 286-287; LJN III: 299-304; LJN IV: 148.
IGLS III/1: Nos. 2022a, 2203a, 2374c; Canova 1954:
LXXXIV-LXXXV, 135, 249, 296, 337, 363, 364, 371,
383, 398; IGLS IV: No. 1797; IGLS V: No. 2487; IGLS VI:
No. 2893; IGLS VII: No. 4043; LGPN I: 355 (the Aegean
Islands, Cyprus and Cyrenaica); LGPN II: 355 (Attica);
LGPN IIIA: 346 (Sicily: Zankle-Messana – 3rd-5th century CE); LGPN IV: 265-266 (Macedonia, Thrace and
Northern Regions of the Black Sea); LGPN VA: 349-350
(Coastal Asia Minor).
Milne 1905: 24 (No. 9201), 25-27 (No. 9296), 35-37
(No. 9283); Pape and Benseler 1911: 158; Littmann
et alii 1921: No. 651; IGLS IV: No. 1261; IGLS VII: No.
4012; LGPN I: 90-91; LGPN II: 73-75; LGPN IIIA: 80;
LGPN IIIB: 74-75; LGPN IV: 54-55; LGPN VA: 80-83. See
also above, n. 133.
See Meimaris and Kritikakou-Nikolaropoulou 2005:
97-98 (No. 5).
Wellmann 1896: cols. 1632-1634 (Nos. 37-46) (esp.
No. 39: a famous physician from Prusa ad Mare or Kios
in Bithynia, who lived in the early 1st century BCE; No.
40: C. Calpurnius Asclepiades from Prusa, 88-158 CE,
probably the head physician, ἀρχιατρός, of Trajan; No.
41: Titus Aelius Asclepiades, a distinguished medical
doctor (surgeon – χειρουργός) in the time of the Flavian dynasty; and No. 42: L. Arruntius Sempronianus
Asclepiades, medical doctor of Domitian).
LGPN I: 420; LGPN II: 415; LGPN IIIA: 412; LGPN IIIB:
392; LGPN IV: 323; LGPN VA: 418.

Asher Ovadiah and Rosario Pierri
165. See LJN III: 378.
166. See Gregg and Urman 1996: 222 (No. 176); see also
SEG LIII: No. 2126.
167. For this name, see Littmann et alii 1921: Nos. 90, 174,
185, 191; Wuthnow 1930: 16, 141; Dunand 1939: 565
(No. 268); Sartre 1985: s.v. “Ἄλαφος,” 172-173 (with
instances from Hauran and parallels in various Semitic
languages); Meimaris and Kritikakou-Nikolaropoupou
2005: 154-155 (No. 60), 225-226 (No. 130); Meimaris and Kritikakou-Nikolaropoupou 2008: 82-83 (No.
20), 104-106 (No. 36); cf. also Gregg and Urman 1996:
169-170 (No. 136), 194 (No. 160), 255 (No. 213);
SEG XXXVII: No. 1555 (Ἀλαφα); XXXVIII: No. 1627B
(Ἀλαφαλ[λος?]).
168. Avi-Yonah 1940: 87-88; see also inscription No. 78.
169. LGPN I: 94 (Αὐγορῖνος, Cyrenaica – 1st century CE); LGPN
VA: 90 (Αὐγουρῖνος, Ionia: Ephesos – Roman Imperial
period). See also SEG XXV: No. 779b4 (for Αὐγουρῖνος);
XXXIX: No. 1515 (for Αὐγουρεῖνος).
170. Scholz (1822: 152) was the first to copy and publish the
inscription, albeit inaccurately and without discussion.
For its correct reading, see Germer-Durand 1898: 273,
n. 2; Leclercq 1925: s.v. “Graffites,” col. 1496.
171. See Cassell’s Latin Dictionary, s.vv. “germanus,” “germen” (perhaps from “geno” = “gigno”), 240; Lewis
and Short 1951: s.vv. “germanus,” “germen,” 811.
172. See IGLS III/1: Nos. 1910, 1984b, 1984c, 2220, 2292,
2339, 2385, 2402, 2413f, 2433, 2520, 2715; Milne
1905: 87 (No. 9343); Prentice 1908: Nos. 371, 413a;
Littmann et alii 1921: Nos. 44, 189, 547, 631, 652, 688,
795, 803; IGLS I: Nos. 108, 153c, 252; Welles 1938:
413 (No. 102), 451-452 (No. 219); IGLS IIIB: No. 1145;
IGLS V: Nos. 2304(?), 2486, 2505, 2554; IGLS VI : No.
2985; Schwabe and Lifshitz 1967: 37-38 (No. 100) and
n. 33; Ovadiah 1975: 122-123 and n. 84 (Inscription
No. 6).
173. See LGPN II: 92; LGPN IIIB: 91; LGPN IV: 79; LGPN VA: 108.
174. See, for example, the Greek inscriptions from the Negev, Negev 1981: 29 (No. 16), 32-34 (No. 19), 44-45
(No. 46a); see also a Greek inscription from the Golan
Heights, Gregg and Urman 1996: 209 (No. 171); and
from the early Byzantine Zoora (Ghor es-Safî), see Meimaris and Kritikakou-Nikolaropoulou 2005: 213-214
(No. 118); Meimaris and Kritikakou-Nikolaropoulou
2008: 89-90 (No. 26), 113-114 (No. 42); see also LGPN
IIIB: 91.
175. See LJN I: 332; LJN IV: 157.
176. For a similar case, see IGLS III/1: No. 432c.
177. See LGPN I: 423.
178. See LGPN II: 417.
179. See LGPN IIIA: 414.
180. See LGPN IIIB: 394.
181. See LGPN IV: 324.
182. See LGPN VA: 419; see also SEG XXIII: No. 3305,7,11,15;
XXVII: No. 948; XXXI: No. 201; XXXIII: No. 428;
XXXVIII: Nos. 486. II.20, 554; LII: No. 618.
183. See LGPN I: 423; LGPN II: 417; LGPN IIIA: 414; LGPN
IIIB: 394-395; LGPN IV: 324; LGPN VA: 419.
184. The reconstruction of the name could be also Ἄντιος,
who was a mythological figure, son of Ulysses and Circe
and founder of the city Antium (Ἄντιον) in Latium. The
name Antius (Ἄντιος) was used as a Roman gentilicium

185.

186.
187.

188.
189.
190.
191.
192.
193.

194.
195.
196.
197.
198.
199.
200.
201.
202.
203.

204.
205.

206.
207.
208.
209.
210.
211.
212.
213.
214.

(see Pape and Benseler 1911: s.v. “Ἄντιος,” 98; KP 1979:
s.v. “Antius,” col. 406).
LGPN I: 47; see also SEG XLIII: No. 345B. Close personal
names to Ἄντις are: a) Ἄνθις – see SEG XXIV: No. 7802;
XXVIII: Nos. 723, 892, 1005; b) Ἄνθις – see SEG XXXIV:
No. 478.
LGPN VA: 38.
IGLS III/1: Nos. 2698, 2700; Milne 1905: Nos. 9201,
9205, 9206, 9234, 9262, 9283, 9284, 9296, 33037;
Prentice 1908: Nos. 110, 112; Prentice 1922: No.
1152; IGLS I: No. 46(?); IGLS II: Nos. 438, 448; LGPN
I: 390-391; LGPN II: 384-385; LGPN IIIA: 379-380;
LGPN IIIB: 365; LGPN IV: 293-294; LGPN VA: 385.
See LJN I: 304; LJN III: 363.
LGPN I: 193; LGPN II: 192; LGPN IIIA: 187; LGPN IIIB:
175; LGPN IV: 142; LGPN VA: 189.
See LJN III: 281.
See Liddell et alii 1973: 37 (in the epic dialect αἴθε is
for εἴθε, as αι for ει in Homer, Iliad I.415 [αἴθ’ ὄφελες]).
Scholz (1822: 151) was the first to copy and publish the inscription, albeit erroneously and without
discussion.
Perhaps the name Σίων, found in Peloponnese and Sicily between the 5th and 1st centuries BCE, and Central
Greece (Boiotia and Phokis) in the 4th and 3rd centuries
BCE, is the shortened form of Cηωνᾶς? (see LGPN IIIA:
397; LGPN IIIB: 380 respectively).
LGPN I: 114.
LGPN II: 98.
LGPN IIIA: 107-108.
LGPN IIIB: 97.
LGPN IV: 85.
LGPN VA: 116; see also SEG XLI: No. 364 (the name may
be accented as Δάμας or Δαμᾶς, but not Δαμάς).
See Ovadiah et alii 1986-1987: 61; Ovadiah 2002: 43-44.
See LJN III: 669.
Scholz (1822: 152) was the first to copy and publish the
inscription, albeit inaccurately and without discussion.
See Meimaris and Kritikakou-Nikolaropoulou 2005:
257-258 (No. 162), 278-279 (No. 184), 320-322 (No.
231); Meimaris and Kritikakou-Nikolaropoulou 2008:
110-113 (No. 41).
See IGLS I: No. 230.
See, for example, the Greek inscriptions from the Jewish
catacombs in Beth She‘arim, where the name appears
twice as that of a Jewess – Schwabe and Lifshitz 1967:
38 (Nos. 101, 102).
See Meimaris and Kritikakou-Nikolaropoulou 2005:
266 (No. 170); LGPN VA: 276.
LGPN VA: 276.
See Schwabe and Lifshitz 1967: 25 (No. 78).
See IGLS XIII/1: Nos. 9230, 9310.
See IGLS VII: No. 4023.
See LGPN I: 321.
See LGPN I: 321.
See LGPN VA: 326; see also SEG XLI: No. 1200(?).
See IGLS III/1: Nos. 1909, 2327, 2361, 2667; Lefebvre
1907: Nos. 27, 71, 93, 216, 372, 398, 425, 437, 470,
471, 498, 531, 604, 609, 610, 618, 640, 649, 717, 731,
734, 775; Prentice 1908: Nos. 270, 273; Littmann et alii
1921: No. 546; Prentice 1922: Nos. 1017, 1032, 1118,
1143; IGLS II: Nos. 436, 460, 682, 684; Canova 1954:

215.
216.
217.
218.
219.
220.
221.
222.
223.
224.
225.

226.
227.
228.

Elijah’s Cave on Mount Carmel and its Inscriptions
LXXXIII, 121-122; IGLS IV: No. 1599; IGLS V: No. 2098;
Negev 1977: Nos. 46, 79, 170; LGPN I: 371 (Crete, Delos,
Syros and Cyrenaica); LGPN IIIA: 361 (Peloponnese, Sicily
and Magna Graecia); LGPN IIIB: 345 (Central Greece);
LGPN IV: 279 (Macedonia,Thrace and Northern Regions
of the Black Sea); Meimaris and Kritikakou-Nikolaropoulou 2005: Nos. 40, 58, 70, 83, 88, 100, 122, 149, 154,
162, 163, 175, 177, 180, 188, 217, 231, 235, 254, 306;
Meimaris and Kritikakou-Nikolaropoulou 2008: Nos. 3,
24b, 31, 35, 43, 45; LGPN VA: 365 (Coastal Asia Minor).
See Meimaris and Kritikakou-Nikolaropoulou 2005:
137. For the few pagan instances of Πέτρος, see Kajanto
1963: 96, 97, 117.
See Meimaris and Kritikakou-Nikolaropoulou 2008: 58.
See LJN I: 303; LJN III: 356.
Scholz 1822: 153.
Marie-Joseph 1911: 271.
Germer-Durand 1898: 272ff.
Leclercq 1925: col. 1496.
N.-D. de France 1922: 477.
Kopp 1929: 34.
The date of some inscriptions in question (Nos. 76, 80,
137A) is obscure; inscription No. 146 may be dated to
the early Byzantine period.
For a careful observation, cf. Kaufmann 1917: 450, 457
(various shapes of the Greek pagan alphabet attributed to
the 2nd and 3rd centuries CE); Welles 1938: 359 (Fig.
8), 361 (Fig. 9), 362 (Fig. 10), 363 (Fig. 12), 364 (Fig.
13) (various shapes of Greek letters from inscriptions
found in Gerasa, which have been dated to the 1st-3rd
centuries CE).
See above, nn. 45-46.
This, despite the fact that Tacitus does not mention any
cult statue (idol) of Ba‘al, claiming that the god had no
image or temple, but only an altar (see above, n. 36).
See above, n. 102.

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